Thousands of pages of Hillary Clinton's schedules from her time as secretary of state shed light on the access corporate executives and foundation donors enjoyed at her State Department, but missing portions leave questions about how Clinton spent her days in the administration.
From the private meetings she held with donors at her Foggy Bottom office to a "conference call with CEOs" to raise money for a State Department project, Clinton mixed her exhaustive diplomatic engagements with appointments that favored her political and philanthropic networks.
For example, she invited corporate executives whose firms had written checks to the Clinton Foundation— such as James McNerney, CEO of Boeing, and Mike Duke, CEO of Wal-Mart— to the State Department's headquarters for "private meetings" or shorter "drop-bys" in her office.
Clinton remained connected to her political contacts as well.
In February 2009, she met with present campaign manager Robby Mook at the State Department and welcomed longtime Clinton confidante James Carville to her office three months later.
But the schedules, obtained by conservative-leaning Citizens United and made public this week, provide only partial insight into Clinton's conduct as the nation's chief diplomat.
A significant number of appointments on her calendar have been redacted by the State Department. Even in some cases where Clinton's whereabouts were made clear, the subject and attendees of meetings were withheld.
What's more, the schedules released so far cover her activities from Jan. 2009 until June 2010, or roughly half her tenure.
State Department officials said last week that they would not hand over the last of Clinton's calendars until Dec. 30, well after the election has been decided.
The materials made public to date paint a picture of a perpetually busy secretary of state who still found time to sit down with friends.
During a two-week span in May 2009, for example, Clinton met privately with Daniel Abraham, founder of SlimFast, Doug Hattaway, CEO of Hattaway Communications, Terrence Duffy, chairman of CME Group and Dan Glickman, chairman of the Motion Picture Association of America. All four have donated to the Clinton Foundation, or their firm has.
Clinton met frequently with Kris Balderston, State's special representative for global partnerships, in the run-up to the 2010 World's Fair in Shanghai.
A U.S. presence at the expo became a diplomatic priority for Clinton shortly upon her arrival at the agency, but because she was barred from using taxpayer money to fund the $60 million project, Clinton tapped Balderston to raise the cash.
She participated personally in that effort, conducting a "conference call w/ CEOs regarding the Shanghai Expo" in May 2009.
Thirty-nine of the 70 corporations that ultimately sponsored the pavilion also donated to the Clinton Foundation. That proportion is even more significant given the number of Chinese companies that participated in the project.
One of the most generous supporters of the Shanghai pavilion was General Electric. Emails made public through a separate Freedom of Information Act lawsuit indicate Jeffrey Immelt, the CEO of General Electric, made phone calls on behalf of Clinton's State Department.
When Clinton embarked on one of her first official trips as secretary of state, she toured a power plant in China in Feb. 2009. She was joined by Mark Norbom, president of General Electric of Greater China. Jack Wen, president of General Electric Energy China, was also in attendance.
An Associated Press review of the calendars found that Clinton reserved the majority of her non-governmental meetings for donors to her family's foundation.
Clinton's allies quickly lambasted that report, accusing the AP of selectively manipulating data to support a narrative.
However, the revelations took a toll on the Democratic nominee, chipping away at her lead in the latest polls and shining a harsh spotlight on the fact that she has not convened a press conference in 271 days.
Clinton's refusal to address the allegations of pay-for-play have fueled speculation that conflicts of interest went unchecked at the State Department when she was at its helm.
The few details she has provided about the foundation and her private email use have only made added to the mounting suspicions of her critics.
For instance, Clinton told FBI agents during an interview in early July that she used a private email account at the behest of Colin Powell, who she said advised her on the practice during a dinner party held in the early months of her tenure at the home of Madeleine Albright.
Powell has since stated that he has no recollection of the conversation, and no such dinner party appears on Clinton's schedules for the first six months of her time at the State Department.
One private meal with Albright does appear, but it was slated for a Washington, D.C. restaurant and had no other guests listed.
While some of the government's redactions indicate the information withheld was personal in nature, other seemingly personal events— such as a 90th birthday barbeque for Clinton's mother— were disclosed.
Funerals, parties and even downtime at Clinton's Chappaqua, N.Y. home were publicly released by the State Department, raising questions about what could the agency considered personal enough to redact.
State Department officials are battling a number of FOIA lawsuits over records related to Clinton's tenure as the presidential election draws to a close.
Emails related to the Trans Pacific Partnership, which Clinton supported as secretary of state but opposed on the campaign trail, visitor logs for Diplomatic Reception Rooms, emails deleted from Clinton's private server and speech schedules circulated by her husband's staff are all being sought in cases unlikely to see resolution until after voters select the next president.
The struggle to unearth Clinton's official schedules has dragged on for years.
After the State Department handed over partial calendars that omitted dozens of meetings with donors, the AP successfully convinced a court to force the agency to relinquish all planning materials from Clinton's office.
The Clinton Foundation has vowed to reject foreign and corporate donations should Clinton win the White House in November, but Democrats and Republicans alike have questioned why it will continue to rake in such contributions amid bipartisan concern over the ethical risks it poses.