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OpEd Contributor
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John Bolton: While nukes proliferate, Obama fiddles

By: John Bolton
OpEd Contributor
February 5, 2010

"Obama's policy artificially inflates Russian influence and, depending on the final agreement, will likely reduce our nuclear and strategic delivery capabilities dangerously and unnecessarily." (AP photo)

In his lengthy State of the Union address, President Obama was brief on national security issues, which he squeezed in toward the end. Nonetheless, Obama boasted that "the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades" and that he is trying to secure "all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists."

Then came Obama's critical linkage: "These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons."

Obama described the increasing "isolation" of both North Korea and Iran, the two most conspicuous -- but far from the only -- nuclear proliferators. He also mentioned the increased sanctions imposed on Pyongyang after its second nuclear test in 2009 and the "growing consequences" he says Iran will face because of his policies.

Reducing our nuclear arsenal will not somehow persuade Iran and North Korea to alter their behavior or encourage others to apply more pressure on them to do so. Obama's remarks reflect a complete misreading of strategic realities.

We have no need for further arms control treaties with Russia, especially ones that reduce our nuclear and delivery capabilities to Moscow's economically forced low levels. We have international obligations, moreover, that Russia does not, requiring our nuclear umbrella to afford protection to friends and allies worldwide.

Obama's policy artificially inflates Russian influence and, depending on the final agreement, will likely reduce our nuclear and strategic delivery capabilities dangerously and unnecessarily.

Meanwhile, Obama is considering treaty restrictions on our missile defense capabilities more damaging than his own previous unilateral reductions.

What warrants close attention is the jarring naivete of arguing that reducing our capabilities will inhibit nuclear proliferators. That would certainly surprise Tehran and Pyongyang.

Obama's insistence that the evildoers are "violating international agreements" is also startling, as if this were of equal importance as the proliferation itself.

The premise underlying these assertions may well be found in Obama's smug earlier comment that we should "put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. ... Let's leave behind the fear and division."

By reducing to the level of wayward boys the debates over whether his policies are making us more or less secure, Obama reveals a deep disdain for the decades of strategic thinking that kept America safe during the Cold War and afterward. Even more pertinent, Obama's indifference and scorn for real threats are chilling auguries of what the next three years may hold.

Obama has now explicitly rejected the idea that U.S. weakness is provocative, arguing instead that weakness will convince Tehran and Pyongyang to do the opposite of what they have been resolutely doing for decades -- vigorously pursuing their nuclear and missile programs. Obama's first year amply demonstrates that his approach will do nothing even to retard, let alone stop, Iran and North Korea.

Neither Bush nor Obama administration efforts toward international sanctions have had any measurable effect. Three sets of Security Council restrictions against Iran have only glancingly affected Tehran's nuclear program, and the Obama administration's threats of "crippling sanctions" have disappeared along with last year's series of "deadlines" that Iran purportedly faced.

In response, Tehran's authoritarianism and belligerence have only increased.

With his counterproliferation strategies, such as they were, in disarray, Obama now pins his hopes on moral suasion, which has never influenced Iran, North Korea or any other determined proliferator. Perhaps it would have been better had the president's speech not mentioned national security at all.

John Bolton, former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, is the author of "Surrender Is Not an Option."


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