When you look more closely, however, you will see that this geographically dispersed group of counties includes lots of heavily populated places, from New York City through Chicago's Cook County to Los Angeles County. According to the exit poll, whites voted 58 to 37 percent for Trump over Clinton; there's no indication who drew the map, or on the basis of what data, but from my own examination of the election returns he or she seems to have gotten the results pretty close to right.
Areas of Democratic strength among white voters form a kind of archipelago, with many geographically small and just a few geographically large islands in the vast sea of counties where white voters preferred Trump to Clinton. In what kinds of areas did Clinton carry white voters?
Central cities with heavy gentrification. New York, Washington, Chicago, San Francisco, Portland, Seattle. But Philadelphia and Pittsburgh too, and Richmond, Va., both Minneapolis and St. Paul, and even Milwaukee. New Orleans and St. Louis have limited gentrification but arguably also fall into this category.
New England. Virtually all of New England, except modest-income, ethnic, not heavily college graduate parts of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, plus northern Maine. New England has a low percentage of non-whites but each state was carried (though New Hampshire by less than 1 percent) by Clinton. Similarly New England's West Coast doppelgangers, metro Seattle and metro Portland.
University towns. Ithaca, N.Y.; Charlottesville, Va.; Durham and Chapel Hill, N.C.; Athens, Ga., and Athens, Ohio; Bloomington, Ind.; Ann Arbor, Kalamazoo, and Marquette, Mich.; Champaign and Urbana, Ill.; Eau Claire, Wisc.; Iowa City and Ames, Iowa; Yankton S.D.; Missoula, Mont.; Lawrence, Kan.; Eugene, Ore.; and Boulder Colo.
State capitals which are also university towns. Albany, N.Y.; Columbus, Ohio; Lansing, Mich.; Madison, Wisc.; Trenton (and next-door Princeton), N.J.; Gainesville, Fla.; Austin, Texas (the only one of the Lone Star State's 254 counties on the list).
Places with large Jewish populations. Broward County, Fla. (Fort Lauderdale); DeKalb County. Ga. (close-in eastern suburbs of Atlanta); Lake County, Ill. (north shore suburbs of Chicago). Jewish voters in the eastern Cleveland suburbs probably account for the apparent white Clinton plurality in Cuyahoga County, Ohio. In contrast, Jewish voters in metro Detroit live mainly in suburban Oakland County, so in neither Oakland nor in Detroit's Wayne County did Clinton carry white voters.
Ski resort and mountain/ocean coast nirvanas. The ski country in Colorado, Wyoming (Jackson Hole), Idaho (Sun Valley). Also the hip territory around Santa Fe and Taos, N.M., the cannabis-growing north coast of California, wine-growing Napa and Sonoma Counties and tiny Alpine County up in the Sierra. Much farther east, Asheville, N.C. and Ulster County (Woodstock), N.Y.
Working class whites. A similar map for just about any election from the 1930s to the 1990s (yes, even 1972) would show white pluralities for the Democratic candidate in many counties with heavy populations of blue collar workers. The 2016 map shows very little such territory. Just about the only exceptions I see are in northern Minnesota and Wisconsin, around Duluth and the Iron Range.
Of course, it's possible for Democrats to win a presidential election without winning the working class constituencies they once dominated; Hillary Clinton lost the 46 decisive electoral votes of Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin by only a smidge. But 37 percent of white voters is a pretty low percentage for a major party, even given its majorities among the various groups lumped together by analysts as non-whites.