The long-standing national security relationship between the United States and Israel cannot be held hostage by the shifting political priorities of Congress, or even the temporary passions of a given president.
The threats facing the U.S. are rising, whether they come from Iranian aggression and its proxies threatening global energy stability by controlling the Strait of Hormuz, peer competition with China, or Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, highlighting the growing importance of drones in conventional warfare. These challenges demand continuity, not improvisation.
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The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) does precisely that. It is the primary annual vehicle through which Congress sets defense policy, authorizes programs, and establishes enduring frameworks that outlast election cycles. Unlike stand-alone legislation that can be held hostage to the latest news cycle or partisan score-settling, the NDAA has long functioned as a relatively disciplined process for prioritizing American military strength. Embedding practical cooperation mechanisms inside the NDAA is one of the most effective ways to insulate genuine national security interests from the chaos of Washington politics.
Section 219 of the Fiscal Year 2027 NDAA directs the Secretary of Defense to designate an executive agent with a defined mandate to transition U.S.-Israel military cooperation from traditional financial aid and arms supply toward deeper technological and industrial integration. The agent will be responsible for synchronizing U.S.-Israel efforts in research and development, while transitioning promising Israeli technologies into American systems.
These are domains where Israel has demonstrated proven results under combat conditions. Israeli military inventions used by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members include the Emergency Bandage, which is a specially designed pressure bandage used to stop bleeding from hemorrhaging wounds caused by traumatic injuries in the field. The CornerShot is an Israeli tactical weapon accessory that allows operators to safely sight and fire a handgun from behind solid cover without exposing themselves to hostile fire. The Spike NLOS missile developed by Rafael Advanced Defense Systems has become a cornerstone within NATO, with over 20 member states utilizing the weapon system. Frequently used Israeli-developed armored vehicle protection by NATO members includes the Trophy and Iron Fist Active Protection Systems.
By placing this initiative inside the NDAA, Congress creates institutional continuity that is much harder to dismantle on a whim. Opposition to military aid has grown sharply within the Democratic Party, with over 100 House Democrats last month voting for an amendment introduced by a Republican representative to cut off military financing to Israel. Although the measure failed overall (314-104), nearly half of the Democratic caucus voted for it compared to significantly lower opposition in previous years. The provision now faces an uncertain future in the Senate.
The effects of shifting political sentiment on national security are not confined to Congress. This past weekend, President Donald Trump ordered a reduction in joint military exercises with South Korea, aimed at opening future communications with North Korea, and citing a good relationship with its dictator, Kim Jong Un. Trump also expressed his support for the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, a mutual defense pact signed by Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, despite it seemingly constituting a second collective defense system on top of NATO’s Article 5, wherein an armed attack on one is to be treated as an attack on all.
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Critics who treat any formalization of cooperation with Israel as a threat to American sovereignty miss the larger point. The Middle East is entering a period in which military power will depend increasingly on what states can manufacture, replenish, and sustain. Foreign weapons manufacturers can no longer be taken for granted, whether it is Turkey emerging as a major exporter of drones and other advanced military technology, Egypt’s construction of The Octagon as one of the largest military headquarters in the world, or Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, which aims to localize half of the Kingdom’s military spending. The alternative is not American independence; rather, it is slower, more expensive domestic development, while useful technologies sit unused because political friction blocks efficient evaluation and adoption.
National security threats do not pause for U.S. elections, and neither should the mechanisms that keep American forces prepared. The Fiscal Year 2027 NDAA, with Section 219 intact, is the right place to lock in continuity. Congress should finish the work of rising above the political fray and put American security first.
Bradley Martin is the Executive Director of the Near East Center for Strategic Studies. Follow him on Facebook and X @ByBradleyMartin
