In the 2023 Democratic primary, candidate Edmond Wong, running for one of two vacant seats on the Queens Civil Court, stood out, both for his extensive list of political endorsements and for his ultimate showing at the top of the four candidates. Wong appears to have the backing of the Democratic Party establishment in Queens and seems to run in CCP-linked circles. In June, he gave a short campaign speech at the third inauguration ceremony of the Guizhou American Association, where the incoming president described one of the organization’s goals as integrating into mainstream society, strengthening cooperation between overseas Chinese groups, and promoting U.S.-China friendship under the guidance of the PRC Consulate. Wong was praised by the president of the Shanghai Hometown Association, who had worked on the 2022 state assembly campaign for Lin Yu. Lin had been strongly supported by the America Changle Association, whose leader was recently convicted for acting as a PRC agent and setting up an overseas Chinese police station in New York.

Several years ago, Wong was a defense lawyer for the Chinese Anti-Cult World Alliance. Falun Gong practitioners sued CACWA for violent assault, intimidation, and other abuses as part of an alleged persecution campaign in collaboration with the Chinese government. One of CACWA’s leaders, Michael Chu (Zhu Lichuang), held leadership positions in the New York Association for the Promotion of the Peaceful Reunification of China, an established UF organization that pushes Beijing’s sovereignty claims over Taiwan, and has been lauded by Chinese state media for running a Flushing neighborhood watch group to improve community safety and cohesion in service of fulfilling the “China Dream” — a CCP propaganda phrase for restoring China’s national strength.

None of these actions necessarily indicate CCP alignment or influence. Due process in a democratic system requires fair legal representation for both sides. But a number of related incidents prompt an examination of a broader network of affiliated organizations and individuals. Pro-democracy activists in Flushing reported that an individual who campaigned regularly for Wong in downtown Flushing has frequently participated in anti-Falun Gong demonstrations and also confronted and even harassed dissidents. Another fellow campaigner had also been previously spotted distributing pamphlets that enumerated in detail multiple reasons for America to support Taiwan’s reunification with mainland China.

Another self-identified longtime supporter of Wong’s candidacy was a nonprofit organization, the Asian American Attorneys Association. AAAA’s website congratulated Wong on his victory and displayed several campaign photos, including one of a named AAAA volunteer handing out flyers on polling day, and another of supporters at the law offices of iLead Group. The two partners of iLead Law Group, Chen Mingli and Ran Yanfei, also hold leadership positions in AAAA and have set up a network of several closely linked organizations, including the Fifth Avenue Entrepreneurs Club, a networking group for ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs in America, and the nonprofit Community Legal Aid Center of New York.

This network appears active in New York politics. In January 2024, iLead held a fundraising event for Andy Chen’s campaign as well as for Wendy Li, an NYC civil court judge running for a seat on the Queens County Surrogate’s Court. At iLead’s founding, which was covered in Chinese state media, a representative from then-NYC Mayor Eric Adams’s office presented the firm with a citation.

At the same time, these groups frequently interact with CCP-linked entities. AAAA jointly hosted with 10 overseas Chinese groups a young professionals networking event in May, with a consul from the PRC Consulate in New York in attendance. iLead helped to organize an American Chinese collaboration summit in November 2024, where it announced a strategic partnership agreement with the American Chinese United Association, which often echoes CCP rhetoric about uniting Chinese compatriots, participating in local politics, and promoting U.S.-China friendship. ACUA’s founder, Jason Lam, held multiple leadership positions in Chinese government and UF bodies. Also at the summit was John Lam, another figure with extensive CCP links, including as overseas advisor to the ACFROC, a known UF organization, and other leadership positions in provincial-level overseas Chinese federations.

The director of the iLead-linked Community Legal Aid Center, Wilson Wong, used to be the chairman of Better Chinatown USA, which organizes Lunar New Year and AAPI parades in cooperation with a FARA-registered Chinese-language media outlet. Despite their ostensibly inclusive titles, these parades have excluded participation by Taiwanese representatives and Hong Kong democracy activists, while inviting the PRC consul general in New York. Reporters also witnessed another leader of Better Chinatown USA handing out red envelopes with cash to Chinese media reporters at a 2025 campaign rally for Adams.

The stated goals of iLead and its affiliated organizations to promote the success of Chinese American entrepreneurs and legal professionals, and to provide much-needed services to underserved communities as they have through pro bono work, are all admirable, legitimate, and important. Nor is there overt evidence of explicit direction from or coordination with Chinese government officials. But it is not clear why, for example, a professional networking event to help Chinese Americans succeed in America would require the participation of Chinese government representatives. And engaging in political campaigning and fundraising for candidates with known UF links shows at least some comfort in associating with and promoting these viewpoints. Moreover, nonprofit 501(c)(3) organizations — such as AAAA — are not allowed under U.S. law to engage in political activities, which several CCP-linked overseas Chinese groups have run afoul of.

SEAN DURNS: WHAT DOES CHINA WANT? HISTORY SHOWS THE ANSWER

This is not a clearcut case of a Beijing-directed influence operation. But relying on community leaders and organizations close to the Chinese government to provide public goods or political activism entrenches PRC presence in local communities. It also provides open channels for the CCP to shape public discourse and potentially sway elections. There is an easy confluence of interests here, with individuals seeking to build their businesses and gain prominence for their own personal goals, and the Chinese government happy to coopt these networks and capitalize on established social infrastructure for its own geopolitical purposes. In turn, American elected officials and political candidates are often exposed, knowingly or unknowingly, to these influence networks, which are hard to eliminate once entrenched.

Allowing selected pro-CCP voices to dominate the political and social landscape, while ostensibly furthering needed representation of Asian Americans and Chinese Americans, also means broadening the legitimacy of the Chinese government and excluding Asian American voices who are critical of Beijing — a highly skewed version of proclaimed diversity.

Audrye Wong is a senior fellow at AEI, where she researches Chinese influence campaigns. Her work has been published in Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and the Wall Street Journal.