On Thursday morning the "Today" show had a segment with a psycologist who was there to guide parents on how to explain Hillary Clinton's loss to their children.

"Well that is interesting, they sure didn't have a child psycologist on to explain to my children the loss of Mitt Romney, or John McCain. You just simply did not have that," said a suburban mother sitting in the waiting room of a doctor's office with the morning show streaming on the television.

The young mother, an IT professional who lives in Pittsburgh, the "Paris of Appalachia," said she was stunned once again how the media still don't get people outside of the big cities.

"Two days later and they still don't get it," said Brad Todd, a Washington based Republican consultant who also caught the show.

Nor did Republicans go to the streets and start burning stuff either, he said, "And, by the way, if Trump had lost and this had happened, think how different this coverage would be. It would, in fact, be meltdown crazy."

Brad Todd has gotten this cultural disconnect for a very long time, reaching back to the 2006 midterm elections that threw his party out of power. Todd, the founding partner of On Message, a GOP media strategy firm based in Washington, has never lost his connection to the five generations of Tennesseans that came before him.

And one of the regions he has really understood is Appalachia, which stretches from the industrial North, through the Rust Belt, down into the Deep South that distinctively follows the migration and settlement patterns of early Scots-Irish Jacksonian Democrats.

These voters are Democrats by birth, a tradition carried on from New Deal-Democrat paternity who fundamentally started breaking with their party when they began cutting them loose after flirting with their support during the 2006 midterm elections. It's been a decade since they offered voters moderate Democratic candidates.

Since then white, traditional-values, working-class, predominantly male voters have been severed from their party so they could build an urban- and cosmopolitan-centered coalition of minorities, elites and women.

After Tuesday's election, Todd took a look at the beloved Appalachian voters who he is most connected to and started drawing a map of what just happened in America.

The numbers were devastating to these once-reliable Democratic voters.

"There are 490 counties in Appalachia technically, which is defined by federal law. Hillary Clinton won 21 counties in that region," he said.

And that is it. She did not win a single county in Appalachia that is mostly white, non-college-educated and has a population of under 100,000 people.

Not one county.

Looking at the map, the 21 counties she won were either college campuses like Virginia Tech, Cornell, Penn State and Mississippi State or counties in major metropolitan areas like Atlanta, Birmingham, Ala., Winston-Salem, N.C., Youngstown, Ohio, and Pittsburgh. And she also won five counties in Mississippi that are nearly majority black.

"I went back and looked at the home precinct in Tennessee where I grew up and Bill Clinton wins it, Al Gore gets forty percent, Obama gets 28 percent and she got 18 percent. In short, Donald Trump got 80 percent of that vote," he said, astounded at the cultural shift among Appalachians.

What does all of this data tell you about America? Todd says it is simple, "There are absolutely no more blue-collar whites in the Democratic Party. They just don't exist, even the ones who want there to be have recognized there is no room for them," he said.

These voters had stayed with the Democrats forever and now 80 percent of them in Appalachia have voted Republican. "That means they don't know anyone who voted for her," he said.

Why is this astounding? Because nothing gets eighty percent in this world, especially in politics, except for the numbers Democrats get in the inner cities.

Todd said that there are also some spooky trends for the Republicans in this data. "Georgia's Cobb County, the base of former Republican Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich's political operation, voted for Clinton," he said.

So did former Republican Majority Leader Tom Delay's Fort Bend County base in Texas.

Todd is not convinced, though, that that means our political parties are realigning.

The question remains, who is going to glue back the coalition together first? Did Clinton cement these upper income tax centered Republicans for the Democrats? Is Trump going to remain culturally scary to those people and continue to make misogynist, racist comments and keep those Republicans away from their own party?

Or will he pursue the kind of policies that would bring those natural Republicans back home and keep the blue-collar whites?

"One election does not a realignment make," said Todd. "Realignments happen when you have multiple elections that validate the same thing," he said.

"But I think you can say they [Democrats] have realigned themselves away from blue-collar whites. The question is, will we [Republicans] realign ourselves away from college-educated whites?"

Todd says he just does not believe the things Republicans have to do to keep blue-collar whites in his party will repel white-collar whites, "The things that repelled white collar whites in places we normally should win like Cobb County, Ga., are unique to Trump," he said.

In short, the reasons Trump got blue-collar whites are not unique to her but part of the endemic problems of the Democratic Party.

If he has the right temperament he will bring suburban people along, said Todd. "The first move is his. He has to put together a government they have confidence in and show the right temperament."

If he does that, it is unclear how the Democrats fix their problem with blue-collar whites. "Tell me, what they can do to fix their problem in the next six months with blue-collar whites?"

The young mother who says she comes from a blue-collar background even though both she and her husband are white collar is unclear that they can. "Culturally they have lost me. They are the party of the cosmopolitans, yes, but they are also the party of grievances. Every time they try to reach me as a voter, the message they give me is I am bad, and I have to vote for them to fix that," she said.

For now, the Democrats have lost the very base of support that sprang from both the Jacksonian era and was reinforced by the New Deal Era of FDR. Can they rebuild? Sure. But do they want to? That part is unclear. If they continue to double down on elitism, it is unlikely. And it is certainly unlikely if they continue to make Republican voters appear as though the candidate they voted for requires children to seek a therapist.

Salena Zito is a columnist for the Washington Examiner.