Think of the next year in the Trump wars as sudden-death playoffs. Should the House impeach President Trump on charges of bad conduct or whatever and the Senate convicts him, he’ll be out of office and out of luck. But since the Senate is unlikely to convict him, he’ll advance to the election, where his bid for four more years will be decided.
By simplifying the process, one can avoid the agony of minute-by-minute reporting, news of “bombshells,” and media hype. It will make the election year more pleasant and the chances of missing important matters slim.
And there’s no need to rely on the media’s unreliable scorekeeping as to how the Trump wars are going. The hunches of an average citizen who checks the news from time to time and gabs with neighbors are likely to be closer to the truth.
Trump is unhappy with the way the war against him has progressed. More often than not, he’s on defense. He’s constantly under attack and fearful of being driven out of the White House. He needs to calm down. The process is tilted in his favor, not by law, but because his style fits the battle. The games will be slugfests and Trump is especially good at counterpunching.
His Democratic opponents believe they can impeach the president for anything they find objectionable. But they’ve missed something crucial to impeachments. When the Constitution cites activities that may lead to impeachment, the list begins with “high crimes.” And Democrats haven’t found one so far.
I’m reminded of the mantra used in 1984 by Walter Mondale to defeat Gary Hart in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination. “Where’s the beef?” the Mondale folks asked. It insinuated rather strongly that Hart’s speeches — indeed, his entire agenda — were lacking in substance. As a political tactic, it worked.
In the Trump wars, Democrats may be bombarded with chants of “where’s the crime?” If Democratic leaders answer that a crime isn’t required for impeachment, voters are likely to erupt. And those wearing MAGA hats won’t be the only ones furious.
And if Democrats concoct a fake crime, that won’t fly either. For instance, Trump’s asking for a “favor” during a phone call with the president of Ukraine wasn’t a crime; it was merely an underhanded way of trying to get Joe Biden, a potential Democratic opponent in the general election, in hot water. Sneaky? Yes. But an act of criminality? No.
Democrats are sneaky, too. The anonymous whistleblower who has accused the president of seeking Ukrainian help that might aid his reelection tipped off the Democratic chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, Adam Schiff. The information was slipped to Schiff days before the whistleblower filed an official complaint about Trump’s conduct. Devious? Yes. But not a crime.
Schiff infuriates Republicans the way GOP Sen. Ted Cruz incenses Democrats. Republicans think he lies. They recall his claim, many months ago, to have uncovered real, non-circumstantial evidence of Trump’s collusion with Russia. They’re still waiting for him to release it.
In the impeachment hearings, Democrats don’t want Mr. Whistleblower (maybe it’s Ms.) to be unmasked and forced to testify. They’re right about this. His secret report on Trump’s phone chat with the president of Ukraine was based on hearsay — that is, secondhand — raising the question of who told him about the call.
It won’t be easy for the leaker to remain anonymous. One might have expected the media to be clamoring for an unmasked appearance in person at a Capitol Hill hearing. Not this time. But there’s a recent precedent for requiring an accuser to step forward. At Brett Kavanaugh’s Senate confirmation hearings, his accuser, Christine Blasey Ford, testified in person.
Another plus for Trump is the confusion of Democrats in figuring out how to stage an impeachment. Pelosi decided her mere announcement that an impeachment inquiry had begun was the constitutional way. On the contrary, a House vote appears to be what the Constitution has in mind. But that wouldn’t spare Democrats in districts Trump won in 2016 a risky vote. Thus no vote.
Compare the Judiciary Committee chairmen in the House and Senate and another Trump advantage comes into focus. Jerry Nadler is the House’s least telegenic Democrat. When he discusses his plans, a political interpreter is needed. His Senate opposite is Republican Lindsey Graham.
Graham fought off host Margaret Brennan’s effort to get him to criticize Trump on CBS’s Face the Nation. She stressed the case against Trump regarding the phone call with the Ukrainian leader. Lindsey said he has “zero problems” with the call.
“If you’re Donald Trump, you don’t get to confront your accuser like every other American,” Graham said. “Republicans believe this president is being persecuted. They don’t love Donald Trump and the way he does business. They like what he does.”
One can skip these TV confrontations without losing the trail of what’s going on in Washington. Wait for the whistleblower to testify.
Fred Barnes, a Washington Examiner senior columnist, was a founder and executive editor of the Weekly Standard.
