Puerto Rico is throwing a wrench into the mainland’s politics.
The Caribbean island’s government held a referendum on June 11 to gauge public support in what was the territory’s fifth-ever plebiscite on statehood, and the vast majority of voters said yes.
Since then, Gov. Ricardo Rossello has led the charge in Congress, making regular trips to Washington, where he has lobbied lawmakers to take up the issue.
But Rossello’s request comes at a complicated time for the House and Senate. The Republican-led Congress has yet to achieve meaningful reform on issues President Trump promised to address in his first year: healthcare, tax reform, and infrastructure. Adding statehood for Puerto Rico to the agenda may not just be a far-off dream, but impossible in a body that has yet to prove it can get anything done.
The Washington Examiner sat down with the first-term governor at his D.C. office in late June to discuss his plan for the territory’s latest try at statehood while it struggles to climb out of a $73 billion debt crisis.
Washington Examiner: This plebiscite for statehood — you had one five years ago in 2012, [and this also occurred] in 1998, 1993, and 1967. These aren’t exactly regular occurrences. Why right now?
Rossello: Through the past 50-60 years, Puerto Rico has gone through certain transitions, right? Unfortunately, we’ve never gone through the decolonization transition phase. So, early on during the 50s, there was sort of a modification of the arrangement with the United States that sort of paved the way to calm the waters, but essentially, after a decade, decade and a half, Puerto Rico started feeling the effects in terms of its economy and [its] fiscal health as well. So, people kept asking for plebiscites in the 90s. We had two plebiscites; they were inconclusive. … But the last two, I think it’s a clear indication of what people are seeing, you know, they’re seeing the United States going in one direction and essentially Puerto Rico — based on its limitations, its lack of political power, its lack of resources — going in another.
So, in 2012, it was a clear decision by the people of Puerto Rico, and after 2012, I think certain occurrences magnified, even more, the consciousness of the issue. Number one, the Supreme Court in the Sanchez Valle case stipulated that Puerto Rico doesn’t have sovereignty, an argument which was made by those that support the status quo that we do in fact have sovereignty, so that argument died. And secondly, the imposition of an oversight board, that notes that you know Puerto Rico is a territory, which is something that some people were sort of skewing away from.
Washington Examiner: In this past one, you had 97 percent vote for statehood. But you only had 1-in-4 people show up; it was 23 percent. There were two other political parties who told supporters to stay home, don’t vote against this. So, it looks like — if you just hear 97 percent — that people are very supportive of it. So, how are you sure that the entire island, not just 23 percent, wants statehood?
Rossello: Obviously in these processes, you’re never going to have unanimity, but it is a democratic process. In 2012, we had one [with an] almost 80 percent participation rate, and the result was the same. It was, at that juncture, a 61 percent vote for statehood. In this one, [a] lower participation rate, not as low as it’s established. There’s a base calculus; we think it’s about [a] 30 to 35 percent participation rate. It’s not an election year, and certain parties asked their constituents not to go. The reason was that they knew they didn’t have a path to victory, that their alternatives were not going to win, and here’s the evidence to support it. … So, what changed between 2012 and 2017? The only thing that changed is that statehood is gaining more support, and their alternatives have no support. … My read in Congress right now, I know this is a hard issue to tackle, but it’s inescapable to see that the people of Puerto Rico have expressed themselves democratically by the democratic processes that we use in all of the states. And the results are for there to be some action by Congress, whether it’s an admissions bill, where Congress would enable a bill that would ask the people of Puerto Rico if they want to become a state or not under X circumstances, that would be the next logical step. I just don’t think that keeping the same story, [the] same local plebiscites without any action on the federal level just doesn’t … help.
Washington Examiner: One expert has estimated you would pick up five House seats and two Senate seats as a result. You have different political parties in Puerto Rico. How would that translate to the Republican [or] Democratic parties?
Rossello: Many people think that Puerto Rico would be a Democratic state just by virtue of the inclination of the Latino population in the United States, but the reality is that I see Puerto Rico as a battleground state. In the 90s, I think that Bill Clinton would have won in Puerto Rico. I think in the 2000s, George Bush would have won in Puerto Rico. … So, I think it would be a battleground state. It would be up for grabs, and I would caution anybody to try to say Puerto Rico would be Democratic — a Democrat[ic] state or a Republican state — because history has told us that we’re not very good at predicting that. As a matter of fact, when Hawaii and Alaska became states, they entered the Union for several reasons, one of them [because] politically, … it was a balanced ticket. At that juncture, they thought Hawaii was going to be a Republican state and that Alaska was going to be a Democratic state, so that didn’t turn out [to be the case].
Washington Examiner: President Trump and the Republican Party’s platform from the convention last year both spoke positively about Puerto Rico’s desire to become a state. Are you getting enough support from both the Trump administration and the Republicans in Congress?
Rossello: There has been Republican support, and we are very grateful for it. Our resident commissioner is Republican, and we are essentially a bipartisan ticket. I am a Democrat; she is a Republican. She’s garnered some support from her fellow congressmen and congresswomen. After the plebiscite, you know, some of that support spurred naturally. We have had some staunch supporters, such as [Rep.] Don Young from Alaska, who had to go through a process similar to this back in the day. [Rep.] Sean Duffy [R-Wis.] as well, who was instrumental in the PROMESA bill, but has also supported the transition and the self-determination of the people of Puerto Rico. I think the rest support [it]. We just have … to keep the momentum going, and again my [request] is not for Congress to validate statehood or not. It is to make, to establish a path forward through a bill where the people of Puerto Rico can choose in a binding way, whether they want to become a state or not.
Washington Examiner: Jenniffer González-Colón, Puerto Rico’s resident commissioner, had proposed a bill based on the 2012 plebiscite, petitioning for statehood. Now, she’s planning to put forward a new one with these June results. That would have to go through the Natural Resources Committee. Talk to me about where you go from here.
Rossello: It’s a transition, and it has always been one with obstacles. We are hopeful that we can get the consciousness level up in the House and in the Senate. I think that’s another area that has seldomly been used in this process so that we can get bills passed and whatever the date may be for that future plebiscite, that binding plebiscite, we’re fine with it. We just need to know that the 3.5 million U.S. citizens that live on the island are going to get a chance to be represented and a chance to be listened to and that the democracy also applies to us in Puerto Rico.
Washington Examiner: I read that you’re sending seven delegates from Puerto Rico to Congress.
Rossello: The idea is based on the Tennessee Plan. Back in the 1700s, the people of Tennessee wanted to become a state, but there was not a lot of action or movement in the bullpen so that Tennessee could transition as a state. So, they decided to convene, selected what they called a “shadow congressman,” and sent them as representatives to the capital so that … they would be heard, and they would get some action going, and it worked. Tennessee became a state. After that, six other states used the mechanism, including Alaska. So, we’re confident that with the results of the plebiscite, with the action that we’re taking, that it will create, it will shine a spotlight on this situation. … We want the United States to keep being the standard-bearer for democracy in the world, and we feel that it is inconsistent if you have a colonial territory with U.S. citizens that is asking for a change. So, I think we’re going to get great spokespersons, great people that have already participated and really feel passionate about the change for Puerto Rico.
Washington Examiner: Puerto Rico’s been in a recession for about a decade now. If you don’t get statehood, how does it go forward? Does it really give you a leg up if you’re approved for statehood?
Rossello: Certainly, it gives us an advantage. In terms of resources, it is a significant advantage that we participate fully in terms of political power. We would have representation making sure that Puerto Rico participates in its fair share and that imposing bills don’t pass and affect the people of Puerto Rico. It would be a complete game-changer, no doubt about it. In one area, in healthcare … Puerto Rico receives a significant amount less because we’re not a state. You can estimate it at $3 billion a year. So, just on that side alone, you can see that there is a significant impact that would not only help the health of the people of Puerto Rico, but would also impact the economy. But you can’t really put a price tag on transitioning to having full democracy from [a] sort of half-democratic rule. Is there an economic benefit? Is there a social benefit? Of course. But in our view, that social benefit is immeasurable, and it’s necessary for us to really make a transformative change in Puerto Rico.
