60 Minutes of Distortion

Last night, CBS’ 60 Minutes aired a segment on Iraq pre-war intelligence — focusing on the Niger-Uranium controversy — that was so slanted I half suspect that Democratic Senator Carl Levin produced it. Here are just a few examples:

BRADLEY: (Voiceover) When he returned, Wilson told the CIA what he’d learned. Despite that, some intelligence analysts stood by the Italian report that Saddam Hussein had purchased uranium from Niger. But the director of the CIA and the deputy director didn’t buy it. In October, when the president’s speech writers tried to put the Niger uranium story in a speech that President Bush was scheduled to deliver in Cincinnati, they intervened. In a phone call and two faxes to the White House, they warned “The Africa story is overblown” and “The evidence is weak.” The speech writers took the uranium reference out of the speech. Meanwhile, the CIA had made a major intelligence breakthrough on Iraq’s nuclear program. Naji Sabri, Iraq’s foreign minister, had made a deal to reveal Iraq’s military secrets to the CIA. Tyler Drumheller [former CIA head in Europe] was in charge of the operation. Mr. DRUMHELLER: This was a very high, inner circle of Saddam Hussein, someone who would know what he was talking about. BRADLEY: You knew you could trust this guy? Mr. DRUMHELLER: We continued to validate the whole way through. BRADLEY: (Voiceover) According to Drumheller, CIA Director George Tenet delivered the news about the Iraqi foreign minister at a high level meeting at the White House. Mr. DRUMHELLER: The president, the vice president, Dr. Rice. BRADLEY: And at that meeting… Mr. DRUMHELLER: They were enthusiastic because they said we–they were excited that we had a high-level penetration of the Iraqis. BRADLEY: And what did this high-level source tell you? Mr. DRUMHELLER: He told us that they had no active weapons of mass destruction program. BRADLEY: So in the fall of 2002, before going to war, we had it on good authority from a source within Saddam’s inner circle that he didn’t have an active program for weapons of mass destruction? Mr. DRUMHELLER: Yes. BRADLEY: There’s no doubt in your mind about it? Mr. DRUMHELLER: No doubt in my mind at all, no.

Where to begin? Regarding the Niger reference, Bradley failed to inform millions of viewers what the Senate’s 2004 Report on the U.S. Intelligence Community’s Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq concluded on the issue: Conclusion 13 (page 73)

The report on the former ambassador’s trip to Niger, disseminated in March 2002, did not change any analysts’ assessments of the Iraq-Niger uranium deal. For most analysts, the information in the report lent more credibility to the original Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reports on the uranium deal, but State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) analysts believed that the report supported their assessment that Niger was unlikely to be wiling or able to sell uranium to Iraq.

Conclusion 12 (page 72)

Until October 2002 when the Intelligence Community obtained the forged foreign language documents on the Iraq-Niger uranium deal, it was reasonable for analysts to assess that Iraq may have been seeking uranium from Africa based on Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reporting and other available intelligence.

Conclusion 19 (page 77)

Even after obtaining the forged documents and being alerted by a State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) analyst about problems with them, analysts at both the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) did not examine them carefully enough to see the obvious problems with the documents. Both agencies continued to publish assessments that Iraq may have been seeking uranium from Africa. In addition, CIA continued to approve the use of similar language in Administration publications and speeches, including the State of the Union.

And on Sabri, I guess it wasn’t newsworthy to inform viewers of what else Sabri had to say. After all, are we supposed to believe Sabri on the nuclear program but discount his comments on biological and chemical weapons? According to the Washington Post, Sabri also told the CIA that Saddam was lying, that biological weapons research was underway, and that Saddam had dispersed chemical weapons to loyal tribes.

Publicly Sabri was insisting that Iraq had no prohibited weapons of mass destruction. Privately, the sources said, he provided information that the Iraqi dictator had ambitions for a nuclear program but that it was not active, and that no biological weapons were being produced or stockpiled, although research was underway. When it came to chemical weapons, Sabri told his handler that some existed but they were not under military control, a former intelligence official familiar with the situation said. Another former official added: “He said he had been told Hussein had them dispersed among some of the loyal tribes.”

60 Minutes further reported:

President GEORGE W. BUSH: The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. Mr. DRUMHELLER: I didn’t even remember all the details of it because it was such a low-level, unimportant thing. But once it was in that State of the Union Address, it became huge. BRADLEY: So, let me see if I have–have it correct here. The United States gets a report that Saddam is trying to buy uranium from Africa, but you and–and many others in our intelligence quickly knock it down. And then the uranium story is removed from the speech that the president is to give in Cincinnati… Mr. DRUMHELLER: Right. BRADLEY: …because the head of the CIA, George Tenet, doesn’t believe in it? Mr. DRUMHELLER: Right. BRADLEY: And then it appears in the State of the Union Address a short time later? Mr. DRUMHELLER: As a British report, yeah. BRADLEY: You oversaw all of the intelligence operations for the CIA in Europe? Mr. DRUMHELLER: Right. BRADLEY: Do you think that the British had something that we didn’t have? Mr. DRUMHELLER: No, I don’t think they did. BRADLEY: (Voiceover) The British maintain they have intelligence to support the story, but to this day, they have never shared it.

Again, Bradley doesn’t mention that the “CIA continued to approve the use of similar [Niger-uranium] language in Administration publications and speeches, including the State of the Union.” He also devotes only one line to what British intelligence concluded on the issue. The July 2004 Butler report stated that the president’s uranium reference in his 2003 State of the Union address was “well-founded” and based on intelligence having nothing to do with the forged documents. Somehow I think many viewers would have found this information of interest. Here are the “relevant” bits from the report, on pages 123 and 125:

We conclude that, on the basis of the intelligence assessments at the time, covering both Niger and the Democratic Republic of Congo, the statements on Iraqi attempts to buy uranium from Africa in the Government’s dossier, and by the Prime Minister in the House of Commons, were well-founded. By extension, we conclude also that the statement in President Bush’s State of the Union Address of 28 January 2003 that: ‘The British Government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa’ was well-founded.

And,

From our examination of the intelligence and other material on Iraqi attempts to buy uranium from Africa, we have concluded that: a. It is accepted by all parties that Iraqi officials visited Niger in 1999. b. The British Government had intelligence from several different sources indicating that this visit was for the purpose of acquiring uranium. Since uranium constitutes almost three-quarters of Niger’s exports, the intelligence was credible. c. The evidence was not conclusive that Iraq actually purchased, as opposed to having sought, uranium and the British Government did not claim this. d. The forged documents were not available to the British Government at the time its assessment was made, and so the fact of the forgery does not undermine it.

Finally, the case against Saddam Hussein was far broader than 60 Minutes, the New York Times and many others would have you believe. To recap, on March 18, 2003, the day before ground forces entered Iraq, the president confronted a range of concerns regarding Saddam’s weapons programs, his connection to terrorism, his history of aggressive behavior, his use of poison gas, and his failure to comply with the 1991 Gulf War cease-fire agreement and subsequent U.N. resolutions. U.S. intelligence (as Powell Chief of Staff Lawrence Wilkerson has noted but the media has ignored) and other foreign governments concluded at the time that Saddam possessed weapons of mass destruction. On top of this were the findings contained in detailed U.N. reports. For example, on March 6, 2003, the United Nations issued a report on Iraq’s “Unresolved Disarmament Issues.” It stated that the “long list” of “unaccounted for” WMD-related material catalogued in December of 1998–the month inspections ended in Iraq–and beyond were still “unaccounted for.” The list included: up to 3.9 tons of VX nerve agent (though inspectors believed Iraq had enough VX precursors to produce 200 tons of the agent and suspected that VX had been “weaponized”); 6,526 aerial chemical bombs; 550 mustard gas shells; 2,062 tons of Mustard precursors; 15,000 chemical munitions; 8,445 liters of anthrax; growth media that could have produced “3,000 – 11,000 litres of botulinum toxin, 6,000 – 16,000 litres of anthrax, up to 5,600 litres of Clostridium perfringens, and a significant quantity of an unknown bacterial agent.” Moreover, Iraq was obligated to account for this material by providing “verifiable evidence” that it had, in fact, destroyed its proscribed materials (see more on Hans Blix and the “verifiable evidence” standard here). The same report noted “a surge of activity in the missile technology field in the past four years” and that while 817 of the 819 Scud missiles Iraq had imported had been accounted for, inspectors did not know the number of missiles Iraq had indigenously produced or still possessed. Similarly, while inspectors had accounted for 73 of Iraq’s 75 declared “special” warheads, doubts remained that Iraqi officials were truthful about how many had actually been manufactured. It acknowledged that inspectors had found a handful of 122mm chemical rocket warheads but noted that this discovery may only be the “tip of the iceberg” since several thousand, in the inspectors’ judgment, were still unaccounted for. It also stated that no underground chemical facilities had been found but added that such facilities may exist given the size of Iraq and that future inspections in this area would have to rely on “specific intelligence.” Finally, the report declared that there appears to be no “choke points” to prevent Iraq from producing anthrax at the same level it did before 1991, that large-scale Iraqi production of botulinum toxin “could be rapidly commenced,” and that given Iraq’s history of concealment, “it cannot be excluded that it has retained some capability with regard to VX.” And as we know today, Saddam’s Iraq never complied with its disarmament obligations. In September 2004 then-Iraq Survey Group head Charles Duelfer issued a report which cited many violations of the sanctions regime and concluded that “Saddam pursued a strategy to maintain a capability to return to WMD production after sanctions were lifted by preserving assets and expertise. In addition to preserve capability, we have clear evidence of his intent to resume WMD production as soon as sanctions were lifted.” Duelfer continued:

As UN sanctions eroded there was a concomitant expansion of activities that could support full WMD reactivation. He directed that ballistic missile work continue that would support long-range missile development. Virtually no senior Iraqi believed that Saddam had forsaken WMD forever. Evidence suggests that, as resources became available and the constraints of sanctions decayed, there was a direct expansion of activity that would have the effect of supporting future WMD reconstitution.

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