Ryan unveils a serious budget proposal for a serious time

For months, while most of Washington was focused on this year’s budget

fight and the prospect of a government shutdown, Budget Committee

chairman Rep. Paul Ryan’s office was working quietly on a Republican

plan to address the nation’s long-term fiscal crisis.

Though Ryan had already offered ambitious entitlement reform proposals

of his own, it wasn’t clear whether he’d be a lot less bold when he

actually had to put together a budget with Republicans in the

majority. One school of thought was that there was no reason for

Republicans to propose major changes to the nation’s entitlements that

would hand Democrats an easy target when those proposals have no

chance of becoming law given Democratic control of the Senate and

White House.

This morning, Ryan has revealed his budget for 2012 and beyond, and

I’m happy to report that it acknowledges the magnitude of the moment.

It is a serious proposal to put our nation on a path to some semblance

of fiscal solvency.

Ryan’s plan would cut spending by $5.8 trillion relative to what it

would otherwise be under current projections by the Congressional

Budget Office, and by $6.2 trillion compared to what Obama proposed in

his budget. To put that in context, in the past week, Republicans and

Democrats have been at war over whether to cut spending by $33 billion

or $61 billion. Ryan’s proposal would reduce it by about 100 times

that higher number.

Were we to adopt Obama’s budget, according to CBO projections, we’d

still be running a deficit of $1.2 trillion in 2021 alone. But under

Ryan’s plan, that year’s deficit would be $344 billion.

In total, over the next decade, Ryan’s spending cuts would translate

into $1.6 trillion in deficit reduction relative to the CBO baseline

and $4.4 trillion relative to Obama’s budget.

So how does Ryan achieve these numbers? To start with, it isn’t with

tax hikes. In fact, revenues would actually decline significantly

under his plan, something that we’ll no doubt be hearing more of among

liberal critics.

Instead, Ryan focuses primarily on the spending side of the ledger.

Specifically, Ryan’s proposal would:

— Repeal the national health care law in its entirety.

— Change Medicare for those 55 and younger to give them the ability

to choose among different types of health care plans that would be

subsidized by the government. The value of the subsidies would vary so

that poorer and sicker beneficiaries would receive more than richer

and wealthier ones.

— Reform Medicaid so that it is block-granted to the states, putting

it on a predictable fiscal course and giving governors’ more

flexibility.

–Take Defense Secretary Robert Gates’ suggestions of $178 billion in

cuts to the Pentagon budget, but use $100 billion of that to reinvest

in other, higher priority, defense programs.

–Reduce domestic (non-entitlement spending) back to below 2008 levels,

and then freeze that for five years, and cap the overall budget at a

level below 20 percent of the economy, its historic average.

–Simplify the corporate and individual tax code, ending deductions

and loopholes while lowering the corporate tax and the top individual

tax bracket to 25 percent.

Though Ryan cites a Heritage Foundation study finding that his reforms

would boost the economy, his fiscal projections are based on more

conservative CBO estimates of economic growth. By contrast, when Obama

released his budget, it relied on rosy White House economic

projections.

To be sure, Ryan doesn’t get all of the way there. While his plan

mentions Social Security, it does not make specific proposals to fix

it. The budget does not include comprehensive health care reform,

something that will ultimately be required to fully deal with the

long-term fiscal challenges. And when all is said and done, the

national debt would still be $16 trillion by 2021 under Ryan’s plan.

What this reminds us is that the fiscal crisis facing this nation is

so severe, that even with major reforms that are typically seen as

outside the boundary of what’s politically possible, we still have a

long way to go. This isn’t a problem that’s going to be resolved in a

single budget document. It will take a concerted effort over the

coming years and decades. Yet that long and arduous process has got to

start somewhere. And this budget is not just a baby step, but a giant

leap, in the right direction.

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