The reinvention of Ted Cruz

“GOD! BLESS! TEXAS!” Cruz roared, dragging out and emphasizing each word more than the previous one, after entering to a 25-second standing ovation and chants of “Ted! Ted! Ted!” from the activist crowd.

“We are living in remarkable times,” Cruz started. “It appears Dennis Rodman is our new ambassador to North Korea,” he said, prompting laughs from the activist crowd.

“So anything can happen.”

Cruz’s 24-minute speech featured Texas-sized helpings of Trump White House achievements, and the crowd ate it up. The scene backed up his point — anything can truly happen — considering the hail of boos that rained down on the senator two years ago when he failed to endorse Trump at the Republican National Convention, instead imploring the audience to “vote your conscience.”

While the RNC speech appeared to put a stake through the heart of his political life, Cruz seems to have gone through a resurrection. He is on course to win re-election in November after becoming a major player within the GOP-led Senate. And he has become something no one could have conceived of after his first act to the upper chamber: a compromiser.

For the former presidential candidate, long gone are the days of his 40-state campaign during the 2016 GOP primary race. Gone is the overflowing crowd at a Pizza Ranch in Pocahontas, Iowa, or the packed elementary schools in Salem, N.H.

Now, it’s all about Texas.

In a 30-minute interview the night before his address, every answer featured a reference to the state holding the cards of his political future. The effect of his disastrous 2016 convention speech remains ever-present for the Texas Republican. It has become a reminder of the Ted Cruz of the past and what he has worked to regain in the two years since.

“In my short journey in elected life, I have seen moments that were,” Cruz said before a drawn out pause, “among the highest of highs and among the lowest of lows. At the end of the day, I try not to get too excited by the former or too dismayed by the latter.”

Back to the Senate

Over the past two years, Cruz has moved from a semi-solo act in the Senate to what members describe as a constructive, collaborative ally on a number of issues, particularly those within the Republican conference. With 18 months under his belt in a Washington controlled by Republicans, Cruz has been forced to modify his act and has seemingly welcomed the change.

“I do think I’m in an unusual, if not unique, position of being able to speak with real credibility to conservatives, but also being able to speak to moderates, to leadership, to the president, to the Trump administration and to work to get everyone to ‘yes,’” Cruz said. “For the last two years, that has consumed my every waking moment.”

After the rock-em, sock-em campaign and the unpleasant experience in Cleveland, Cruz had what multiple allies describe as a bumpy transition back to his day-to-day life as a 1-in-100 senator. He grappled for months with his new-found reality in Washington, a place that didn’t make him feel especially welcome at the time.

“I think it was really tough … At the height of the presidential campaign, he was mobbed like a rock star and his fans were very, very devoted to him and they’d walk over broken glass for him. He was a big deal, but he still is,” said Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, one of Cruz’s closest friends in the Senate. “For a while when he came back, he was maybe a little quieter than he had been before.”

Cruz’s first move after the convention was to shore up his standing at home. He immediately embarked on agriculture tours in North Texas and lengthy summer swings throughout the state to put himself back in the good graces of those who elected him in 2012 after over two years campaigning on the national stage.

The decisions have paid off. According to a poll of Texas GOP convention-goers conducted by Empower Texans, a prominant Tea Party group in the state, 92 percent of attendees approve of Cruz’, including 80 percent who “strongly approve.” Comparatively, 89 percent view Trump favorably, while 56 percent do so “strongly.”

Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, the only other individual polled, sat well behind with only 36 percent approval and a whopping 62 percent disapproval rating. Additionally, Cornyn survived a censure push at the convention over budget votes.

The show of affection for Cruz was on full display at the convention as he shook hands and signed autographs, including multiple copies of Green Eggs and Ham, which he memorably read on the Senate floor during a 21-hour Obamacare filibuster. He spent an hour and 40 minutes on the long, winding photo line, which seemed to emulate the row of headlights at the end of “Field of Dreams.”

“He’s become more collaborative,” Lee said. “Among and between Republicans, he seems more focused on finding areas of consensus within the conference and building that consensus.”

Making nice

Since Trump’s victory, Cruz has become involved in a myriad of issues with senators, and made strange bedfellows along the way. In June, Cruz dealt directly with Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., who served as chief critic of the Tea Party that helped Cruz’s rise to prominence, to poll conference members on the direction of the Senate GOP’s agenda through November. He was instrumental in thus-far failed Republican efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, and with the successful tax reform package late last year.

In the process, Cruz made strategic moves. He repaired his relationship with Republican leadership and two figures with whom he had a fraught history: Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Cornyn, Texas’ senior senator.

Cruz and McConnell met several times in early 2017 to talk Obamacare and tax reform. Thus far, the moves have paid off for Cruz, who has earned the backing of McConnell and GOP leadership in November in his fight with Rep. Beto O’Rourke. McConnell, Cornyn, Sens. John Thune, R-S.D., and Roy Blunt, R-Mo., all attended a fundraiser in support of Cruz at the National Republican Senatorial Committee headquarters on Capitol Hill on June 26, where McConnell praised Cruz for his role in the caucus over the past 18 months, according to a source who was there.

“Political careers undergo a lot of evolutions,” said Josh Holmes, a former McConnell chief of staff. “The beauty of McConnell is he understands that. He’s watched a lot of them evolve over the years and understands that what may appear as some kind of an intransigence that you can’t understand at some point, ultimately, is understandable when you go through the gauntlet yourself.”

Cruz has also helped other GOP candidates. Despite being focused on his own re-election, he has contributed $10,000 to six GOP Senate candidates. Those include Sens. Dean Heller, R-Nev., and Roger Wicker, R-Miss. He also sent appeals to his fundraising list, which is known in GOP circles as a juggernaut.

On the fundraising circuit, Cruz has held his own. The Texas senator is expected to report over $4 million raised in the second quarter and $10 million in the bank, according to a Cruz insider, putting him in solid shape against O’Rourke, who doubled up Cruz’s fundraising in the first quarter. According to the campaign’s internal polling, Cruz’s lead over the El Paso Democrat sits in the low double digits.

As for Cornyn, fence-mending became a priority after Cruz’s exit from the presidential campaign. The pair got off to a rocky start when Cruz entered the Senate; Cruz refused to endorse Cornyn in 2012 for whip when he ran unopposed for the post and in his 2014 Senate primary against former Rep. Steve Stockman, who was convicted on corruption charges and faces a prison sentence this year. Cornyn returned the favor in 2016 by not backing Cruz at any point in his presidential campaign.

According to allies from both sides, the iciness of the relationship has thawed. In September, Cornyn supported Cruz’s re-election bid against O’Rourke and said in his address to the San Antonio crowd that he stands “shoulder to shoulder” with him.

“It’s no secret that Sen. Cruz wanted to be president, and when that didn’t work out this time, I think he decided to be a senator,” Cornyn said in an interview. “And I think he’s done a good job and continues to be a productive member of the conference.”

In the process, Cruz has earned plaudits from a number of members within the caucus, along with Cornyn. In mid-May, Cruz traveled to Jerusalem for the opening of the U.S. Embassy alongside Lee, Heller and Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., who has warmed to Cruz after a contentious relationship.

“He’s focusing on what’s possible,” said Graham, who infamously joked in 2016 that it would be possible to get away with murdering Cruz on the Senate floor. “He’s got a laser-like focus on issues that are important to him and he is so much better at building coalitions. I will always expect Ted to stand up to the establishment when he thinks it’s wrong, but I also believe Ted will build coalitions with different groups within the conference and our Democratic colleagues.

“I see a coalition-building Ted, but still the same Ted when it comes to his principles,” Graham continued. “I like Ted Cruz. I wouldn’t have said that two years ago … I think he’s got unlimited talent.”

One area where Cruz made a difference was during the tax reform debate, when he was the only one to get an amendment passed and included in the final package. The amendment, which allows families to use tax-advantaged 529 savings plans toward private and religious schooling, was passed after Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., cast the 50th and necessary vote to allow Vice President Mike Pence to break the tie.

Corker was by no means a shoo-in to support the amendment. A day earlier, Cruz confronted the Tennessee Republican on the Senate floor over Corker’s plan to include a trigger in the tax bill that would have included $350 billion in tax increases to placate concerns about the deficit. Despite reservations from his staff, Corker supported Cruz’s measure.

“If Ted 1.0 had run to the cameras, tweeted at him, hammered him publicly … Ted would have lost [the vote],” said one Cruz ally. “That was a transformative moment.”

Cruz has also earned high marks from some of his Democratic colleagues. He works closely with Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Fla., on space issues, especially their work against the privatization of the International Space Station. More recently, he became part of negotiations with Sens. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., and Thom Tillis, R-N.C., toward a narrow deal to prevent family separations at the U.S.-Mexico border.

His presence has been noted by those on the other side of the aisle.

“I feel this bond with him because he married a vegetarian,” joked Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., who sits with Cruz on the Senate Judiciary Committee, before turning serious. “He’s a guy that’s often vilified by folks, but I’ve found him as somebody I can always have a conversation with, always look him in the eye and talk, even if we don’t agree.”

Booker and Cruz, however, have not taken their bipartisan discussions to the basketball court, where Cruz has squared off against Sen. Dan Sullivan, R-Alaska, Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, and White House adviser Jared Kushner.

“I don’t want to embarrass him. That would be cruel,” Booker said. “But if he ever wants to go 1-on-1 with me for votes … maybe over the Supreme Court justice. Whoever wins votes with the other guy.”

Among Cruz’s most notably mended relationships is the vital one with Trump. The two sparred for months during the campaign, often times turning vicious and personal, before Cruz finally endorsed Trump two months after the convention debacle. But the duo have worked hand-in-glove throughout the presidency, and the Texas senator’s imprint has been evident throughout.

Cruz personally lobbied Trump on a series of topics, including his eventual exits from the Paris Climate Accord and the Iran nuclear deal. He has also been instrumental on judges, even going ahead to prep Neil Gorsuch for his confirmation hearings before the Senate Judiciary Committee. Cruz describes his relationship with Trump as “very strong.”

According to White House legislative director Marc Short, Trump has offered to help Cruz however he can ahead of November, including a possible stop in the Lone Star State, where the president’s approval numbers sit slightly higher than his disapprovals.

“It’s politics,” said his father, Rafael Cruz, who was ludicrously attacked by Trump as a co-conspirator in the murder of John F. Kennedy, but now laughs about the whole episode.

“After all — I’m the one who shot J.R. [Ewing] in ‘Dallas,’ ” the elder Cruz quipped.

Love for the arena

The aftermath of the convention speech, however, has become a turning point of sorts for Cruz. Before then, he had received the bulk of blame for a government shutdown and was scorned by his own party on multiple occasions; including once live in front of millions of viewers in Cleveland. None of this has dissuaded an insatiable thirst for the political arena, and perhaps has even emboldened it.

“Politics is every bit as exciting as a war — and far more dangerous,” Cruz says quoting Winston Churchill. “In war, you can die but once. In politics, many times.”

The appreciation for the political scene has also led him to into uncharted waters. Exhibit A being his recent basketball game with late night host Jimmy Kimmel, during which the two apologized to the game of basketball for the display. While he won the game, the normally straight-laced Cruz (who Graham describes as “funny as hell”) had fun with the occasion. The Canadian-born Cruz held a hockey stick as “O Canada” played prior to the game, along with can of Canadian beer. He took multiple sips in what some believe was an effort to calm his nerves.

While wins are certainly preferable to losses, being on the main stage means a lot to Cruz. As someone who has already died politically at least once, he relishes his position months ahead of the November election.

“He used to be the kid who didn’t study and got good grades,” said Jeff Roe, Cruz’s chief strategist. “And now, at politics, he works at it.”

Almost two years later, Cruz declines to say whether he regrets the speech that made him a punching bag. In fact, he seems to double down on it despite enduring temporary pain for what he sees as a lasting result.

“Hindsight can be a deceptive thing,” Cruz said of the speech. “All sorts of people would make different decisions in hindsight. I could tell you what I was doing then and what I’m doing now is trying to make the very best decisions I can to honor the promises to the men and women who elected me. At the convention in Cleveland, it was not the most fun of experiences to be booed by some of the more hardcore delegates there. That was less than fun.

“The objective of my speech then was to lay out a path for Donald Trump to earn the support of conservatives across the country,” Cruz said. “I laid out a path that I very much hoped the Republican nominee would follow. I think that’s what’s happened.

“It didn’t have to be this way,” Cruz continued. “There were certainly paths you could’ve imagined the Trump administration going down that were different than the one it has, and I do think I have played a meaningful role in bringing that about.”

As for Cruz, the path he’s taken has been an unexpected one in what he calls the “turbulent ocean” of politics, but one that he isn’t opposed to. What comes next is the great unknown.

After all, anything can happen.