The
lawsuit
challenging the Food and Drug Administrationâs approval of
abortion drugs
is about more than a technical issue of administrative law. It also reveals a lot about how abortion advocates view their fellow human beings.
In this case, Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA, medical associations argue that the FDA
did not meet legal standards
when it approved the combination of the drugs
mifepristone and misoprostol
for an abortion pill in 2000. These allied groups have asked a federal judge in Texas to impose an injunction on the marketing of these abortion pills while the legality of the FDA approval is
fully litigated
.
A
declaration
filed in the case by Jason Lindo, an economics professor at Texas A&M University, on behalf of abortion advocates reveals much about them. Lindo explains that his research interests include âthe economic effects of abortion and contraception policies.â His statement contains many unfounded claims and completely speculative assertions about what would happen if chemical abortions werenât available.
But itâs his utilitarian statements about the unborn that are especially troubling. Lindo, for example, describes certain expectations about the children of âpeople who seek but are unable to obtain an abortion.â In that scenario, he claims, children âare expected to do worse in school, to have more behavioral and social issues, and ultimately to attain lower levels of completed education.â These children, Lindo states, âare also expected to have lower earnings as adults, poorer health, and an increased likelihood of criminal involvement.â In comparing the two scenarios, he suggests that killing a child by abortion is preferable to allowing the child to live.
This theory is not new, but has roots in both the eugenics movement and so-called scholarship. In May 2001, for example, John Donohue and Steven Levitt published an
article
in the Quarterly Journal of Economics titled âThe Impact of Legalized Abortion on Crime.â The authors began this way: âWe offer evidence that legalized abortion has contributed significantly to recent crime reductions.â They argue that âhigher rates of abortion ⦠are strongly linked to lower crimeâ and that [legalized abortion âappears to account for as much as 50% of the recent drop in crime.â
Cursory scrutiny of Lindoâs claims reveals some disturbing implications. According to the
Pew Research Center
, 39% of all women who have abortions are black and 22% are Hispanic, significantly higher percentages than the overall population. The abortion rate nationwide is four times higher for black women than for white women. In New York City, more black children are aborted than are allowed to be born. Doesnât the Donohue-Levitt-Lindo âmore abortions-less crimeâ thesis therefore hold that black and Hispanic children are disproportionately more likely than white children to become criminals if they are allowed to be born?
Or consider this. Arguments such as Lindoâs suggest that simply speculating about a childâs possible future is enough to justify killing that child in the womb. But then, for those who make it to birth, society immediately has a robust commitment to improve their health, education, and other socioeconomic prospects. The very same children whose lives could be forfeited shortly before birth suddenly become the object of intense government support shortly after birth. This jarring inconsistency shows that the essential value of human life changes, both arbitrarily and irrationally, apparently based on little more than the shifting political winds.
In addition to building on past scholarship, advocates of aborting those whose future lives may not meet a particular fitness standard echo eugenics movement leaders such as Margaret Sanger, the founder of Planned Parenthood. Sanger, of course,
saidÂ
in a letter that âwe donât want the word to get out that we want to exterminate the Negro population.â Sanger
viewed
Â
minorities as âunfitâ to raise children and
believed
that abortion and contraception are âthe most adequate and thorough [avenues] to the solution of racial, political, and social problems.â
Although the legal challenge now underway against the abortion pill has led abortion advocates to attempt sanitizing these arguments with an anti-crime rescrubbing, the fundamental issue about abortion remains the same. Do human beings have inherent worth and dignity, or donât they?
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This article originally appeared in the Daily Signal and is reprinted with kind permission from the Heritage Foundation.