Will Obama’s dehumanizing campaign backfire?

Last week, in conjunction with the Obama campaign’s announcement on gay marriage, The Washington Post attacked Mitt Romney with a hit piece accusing him of being a bully when he was in high school in 1965. This week the Obama campaign has a new ad out attacking Romney as a blood sucking vampire.

Obama’s car czar, Steve Rattner, has already denounced Obama’s ad as “unfair” and The Washington Post gave another as making similar claims a “Three Pinocchios” rating.

But might all this effort to dehumanize Romney backfire? If the Obama campaign and his media allies invest so heavily in turning Romney into a cartoon villain, might this make it easier for Romney to gain back some ground with independents when they are told about his softer side. Restore Our Future, a Super PAC dedicated to electing Romney, is up with $4 million in ads including the one above highlighting the heroic efforts Romney made to help a colleague find his daughter in 1996. PolitiFact has even checked the story and found it true.

This is not the only example of Romney’s generosity that his Super PAC allies will be able to highlight. The Washington Examiner’s Phil Klein, who is no fan of Romney’s, recounts:

— In 1995, a Mormon family, the Nixons, had recently moved to the Boston area and got devastating news when two of their sons were rendered quadriplegics by a terrible car accident  — a tragedy that was compounded by the financial strain. Having heard their story, Romney called the parents to see if they’d be around on Christmas Eve. Romney, even though he didn’t know the Nixons very well, showed up with Ann and his sons. They brought the injured sons a new stereo system and other gifts. According to the book, the Nixons “were floored” that Romney had not only taken an interest in them, but that he and Ann had taken time out of their busy schedule to deliver the gifts themselves and turn it into a family event to set an example. Romney also offered to pay for their sons’ college educations and participated in multiple fundraisers for them over the years. “It wasn’t a one time thing,” the father told the authors.
— One time, Romney found out that a church member had broken his foot by falling off a ladder trying to remover a hornet’s nest. Romney showed up and devised a way of removing it from the inside of the house. “Everyone who has known Romney in the church community seems to have a story like this, about him and his family pitching in ways big and small,” Kranish and Helman write. “They took chicken and asparagus soup to sick parishioners. They invited unsettled Mormon transplants to their home for lasagna.” Another time, a fire broke out near where Romney lived and he “organized the gathered neighbors, and they began dashing into the house to rescue what they could: a desk, couches, books” until the fire fighters made them stop. He also helped build a playground to honor a neighbor’s child who had died of cystic fibrosis. “There he was, with a hammer in his belt, the Mitt nobody sees,” the neighbor, Joseph O’Donnell recounted. “Romney didn’t stop there,” the book reads. “About a year later, it became apparent that the park would need regular maintenance and repairs. ‘The next thing I know, my wife calls me up and says, “You’re not going to believe this, but Mitt Romney is down with a bunch of Boy Scouts and they’re working on the park.”’”
— As I’ve written before, Kranish and Helman recount a perfect example of the contrast between Romney’s callous public image and his personal generosity from his 1994 Senate race in Massahcusetts against Ted Kennedy. Roughly a week before the election, Romney did a campaign stop at a Boston shelter for homeless veterans. The director of the center, Ken Smith, told Romney that their budget was being hammed by the cost of milk. In his political mode, Romney awkwardly joked that they should just teach veterans how to milk cows. Obviously, that did not go over well. Quietly, Romney later called Smith and asked how he could help. The authors write: “(N)ow, instead of paying for a thousand pints a day, the shelter was paying for just five hundred. And it wasn’t just some political stratagem. ‘It wasn’t a short-term “Let me stroke you a check,”’ he said. ‘It happened not once, not twice, but for a long period of time.’ In fact, Smith said he understood that Romney was still supporting the shelter when Smith left in 1996.”

Romney’s favorables leave a lot of room for improvement. Highlighting these stories can’t hurt.

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