Political committees, consultants, and lobbyists linked to President Donald Trump made out with millions of dollars in payments from the marijuana industry in the months leading up to his executive order demanding the substance’s reclassification, according to public records reviewed by the Washington Examiner.
The United States Cannabis Council and American Rights and Reform PAC, a pair of pro-marijuana interest groups, alongside leading cannabis retailer Trulieve, collectively donated at least $2 million to political committees linked to Trump following his victory in the 2024 presidential election, campaign finance records show. Lobbying disclosures, meanwhile, document how the marijuana industry has shelled out over roughly $3.2 million to lobbyists to plead their case — often paying individuals with ties to the president.
The largest single donation, $1 million from American Rights and Reform PAC, was directed toward MAGA Inc. — Trump’s primary super PAC — in March. The remaining $1 million, coming from Trulieve and the United States Cannabis Council, went to the Trump Vance Inaugural Committee. Trulieve gave an additional $50,000 to Conservative Fighter PAC this year, and the firm’s CEO, Kim Rivers, is a consistent donor to congressional Republicans.
Contributions aren’t the only way the marijuana industry is using campaign finance to sway the president and his allies.
Disclosures filed by the American Rights and Reform PAC show that, in 2025, the committee paid out roughly $1.5 million to conservative communications firms and activists. Among these were top MAGA consultant Alex Bruesewitz’s X Strategies, the GOP-aligned firm Strategic Media Placement, and American Action Network, an advocacy group.
While paying the trio of organizations for “advertising,” American Rights and Reform PAC released ads targeted specifically around the White House and Mar-a-Lago praising the president for his record on pharmaceuticals, framing opposition to medical marijuana as a liberal position, and reminding Trump of his promise on the 2024 campaign trail to reschedule the drug.
Bruesewitz, notably, argued in favor of rescheduling marijuana on X in July, saying that he had “no personal stake” in the debate even after his firm had accepted $300,000 from American Rights and Reform PAC.
American Rights and Reform PAC is funded by a wide array of cannabis companies, including Green Thumb Industries, Verano Holdings Corp., Curaleaf, Cresco Labs, Trulieve, and the United States Cannabis Council.
“President Trump made a campaign trail pledge to expand medical research into applications of marijuana and cannabidiols by rescheduling marijuana,” a White House spokesman told the Washington Examiner. “This historic action paves the way for the development of promising new treatments for American patients, especially veterans — and the presence of several leaders from law enforcement and veterans groups at the Oval Office signing is indicative of how President Trump continues to push the envelope to support our nation’s heroes.”
Trump faced resistance from congressional Republicans on the issue, who argued that reclassification would “send the wrong message to America’s children, enable drug cartels, and make our roads more dangerous.”
Reclassifying the drug from Schedule I to Schedule III does not constitute legalization; rather, it represents the federal government taking the position that marijuana poses a limited addiction risk and that it has legitimate medical uses. Experts say the move will make capital more readily available for industry players, expand research opportunities, and lessen their tax burdens.
Of comparable importance to campaign expenditures and contributions to the marijuana industry is its sprawling lobbying network. After the Biden administration left town, top cannabis firms and interest groups retained Trump administration alumni and others close to the president as lobbyists and deployed them to the White House to advance their interests.
Among the Trump-linked lobbyists accepting large sums to assist the marijuana industry are Brian Ballard, who is widely viewed as one of the lobbyists closest to the president owing to their roughly three-decade long relationship; Bryan Lanza, a GOP strategist who held to roles in the Trump administration and campaign; Daniel McFaul, who was previously chief of staff to MAGA aligned former Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-FL), and a handful of other more minor White House and Trump administration alumni.
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Trump’s second administration has been hit with accusations of engaging in “pay for play,” a phrase used to imply that payments from interest groups are accepted by individuals in power in exchange for policy concessions. The Campaign Legal Center, a liberal watchdog group, has accused the Trump administration of dropping government investigations, approving favorable policies, granting appointments, and offering pardons to major donors.
The White House has rebuffed accusations of impropriety by publishing a partial donor list for its controversial ballroom project and framing the calls for greater transparency as partisan attacks. Administration officials have also pointed out that, by using private donations, they can avoid charging taxpayers for the renovations.
