The National Committee for the Administration of Gaza is up and running, operating under President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace. This complex, multilayered initiative has generated both hope and skepticism. Both are warranted.
The 15-member “technocratic” committee is headed by former Palestinian Authority deputy minister Ali Shaath. Tragically, the PA’s track record in Judea and Samaria has been marked by corruption, inefficiency, violence, and a lack of legitimacy among the local population. The Board of Peace needs to demand a high level of accountability from the NCAG, or it will inherit these same problems.
Indeed, the panel recently traded its original logo for one nearly identical to that of the Palestinian Authority. The office of Israel’s Prime Minister stated, “Israel will not accept the use of the Palestinian Authority’s symbol, and the PA will not be a partner in the administration of Gaza.”
This is not the only matter of concern.
Perhaps the most glaring omission in discussions about the NCAG is the issue of deradicalization. According to the latest polling, 55% of Gazans staunchly oppose the disarmament of Hamas — even when it is presented as a condition to prevent the return of war. And nearly as many, still a majority at 53%, support Hamas’s decision to perpetrate the Oct. 7 massacre that brought about the war.
These figures reveal a deeply entrenched resistance to change and a population that, at least for now, is not ready to embrace the board’s vision for peace. The narrative that differentiates between Hamas terrorists and “innocent civilians” in Gaza is increasingly challenged by the reality that many civilians are family members and supporters of Hamas terrorists.
Central to any genuine transformation in Gaza is a rigorous, society-wide vetting and deradicalization process. This must extend far beyond administrative reforms, reaching every influential sector— education, governance, religious leadership, media, and more.
The deradicalization required in Gaza must be as thorough and uncompromising as the process undertaken in Japan after World War II, where every level of society was transformed. This took years and, under strict American supervision, involved sweeping reforms including educational, economic, social, and political restructuring.
Gaza’s future depends on a process that must be similarly uncompromising. Every teacher, imam, official, and media personality must be carefully screened for both security risks and ideological alignment with peace and coexistence. This vetting must be ongoing, with regular reviews and psychometric evaluations to ensure continued compliance.
Israel must have the final say over this vetting, with Israeli intelligence agencies directly involved in both the design and implementation of security and ideological checks. Only with such oversight can the process be trusted to root out extremist influences and prevent the perpetuation of radical ideologies.
As a key partner, the United States must demand both real accountability and transparency, insisting on meaningful standards and independent audits at every stage.
The war in Gaza exposed the depth of the jihadist ideology that has permeated all United Nations Relief and Works Agency operations there. No organization that contributed to Gaza’s past problems can be allowed any role in its future. This especially applies to UNRWA, which should be designated as a terrorist group by the United States and excluded from all administrative, educational, and humanitarian activities.
Radical voices — including the Palestinian Authority, Turkey, and Qatar — must not be permitted to play any part in the administration of Gaza. Only a coalition committed to genuine reform, accountability, and peace should be involved.
A critical first step is education from childhood through young adulthood. If the education system is not thoroughly transformed, and future generations continue to be indoctrinated with vile hatred of both Israel and the Jewish people, real peace will be impossible.
The education system must craft textbooks and curricula that promote peace and coexistence. There must be full transparency in all educational materials. The United Arab Emirates reportedly has a successful system that could be emulated and the UAE education ministry should play a role in the training of educators in Gaza.
IRAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM IS BURIED, NOT DEAD
Shockingly, UNRWA is still running education programs in Judea and Samaria. There is no reason not to promote this new model there, as well. All of this must be strictly overseen, under the leadership of the U.S., by a coalition of moderate nations that must include Israel.
Ultimately, peace and prosperity in Gaza will depend on confronting uncomfortable truths about public sentiment and the legacy of radicalization and will require a sustained commitment over a long period of time to transform institutions, attitudes, and aspirations. The Board of Peace can only succeed if it is willing to learn from the past, demand accountability in the present, and lead with a vision for the future.
Heather Johnston is the Founder and CEO of U.S. Israel Education Association, a nonpartisan organization that advances dialogue and cooperation between the U.S. and Israel.
