Negotiations between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have broken down, as always seemed inevitable, and military action has resumed. Instead of restraining Israel, the Trump administration should use its ally’s military prowess to its advantage in the continuing conflict.
On April 8, the White House announced that a ceasefire brokered by Pakistan had been reached with Iran. But the world’s leading terrorist state did not conceal its true nature for long, if at all.
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Tehran repeatedly violated the ceasefire. Nevertheless, on June 17, the U.S. announced a memorandum of understanding as part of a bid to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and create a path toward broader negotiations, including over the intractable issue of Iran’s nuclear weapons program.
The MOU fared no better than the ceasefire. On July 6, less than three weeks after it had been signed, Iran attacked three commercial ships in the Gulf. The U.S. responded with strikes against Iranian targets.
What followed was a pattern of tit-for-tat attacks that risks emboldening Iran, weakening America’s leverage, and eroding what little popular support is left for the war.
On July 8, Trump declared that the ceasefire was “over” and called Iran’s rulers “bad people.” The MOU proves to be a dead letter.
On July 13, Trump reinstated the naval blockade on Iran that had been lifted under the MOU.
The U.S., Trump announced on Truth Social, would take control of the Strait of Hormuz and charge a fee equal to 20% of the value of all cargo shipped through it to cover “any and all costs necessary to do the job of providing safety and security to this very volatile section of the World.”
Clearly frustrated by weeks of Iranian intransigence and bad faith, Trump lamented, “We had a deal. It was a done deal, and then they broke it. They always break it. We’ve had 10 deals with these people, and so we’re just going to hit them very hard.”
But America has leverage it is not using. The stunning success of the initial military campaign against Iran was achieved by the combination and coordination of the U.S. and Israel. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth called it an “unprecedented” level of cooperation. The results were spectacular.
In one fell swoop, the allies decapitated the upper ranks of Iran’s political and military establishment.
Iran’s defense industrial base was smashed, and its navy and air defenses were largely destroyed. The U.S. and Israel achieved total air supremacy and can strike at will.
Only Iran’s ability to seize and hold the Strait of Hormuz prevented Washington and Jerusalem from building on those gains. Now the U.S. risks losing the war after having won the battle.
Operation Epic Fury could become the latest example of America failing to translate battlefield success in the Middle East into political victory.
To avoid that outcome, Washington should encourage Israel to resume coordinated strikes against the Iranian military threatening American forces, regional allies, and commercial shipping. That means targeting missile launchers, naval assets, air defenses, command centers, and the infrastructure supporting Iran’s proxies.
Such operations should reopen the Strait of Hormuz, protect U.S. personnel and allies, reduce Iran’s capacity to retaliate, and force Tehran to accept enforceable limits on its nuclear and regional ambitions.
During the ceasefire, the U.S. discouraged Israel from striking Iran. Israel acceded to that request. Iran saw an opening and attempted to use its Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, to divide the allies.
With the ceasefire over, the Trump administration should bring Israel back into the campaign.
It has the ability and the will to do so. Renewed joint operations would show there is no daylight between the allies for Tehran to exploit. It would also strengthen America’s negotiating position and restore deterrence Washington has lost.
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The U.S. has long sought to extricate itself from the Middle East. But that requires an Iran unable to threaten American interests and an ally capable of protecting them. Only Israel can be that ally.
Instead of treating Israel as a liability, the U.S. should once again treat it and its military power as an asset.
