As President Joe Biden sells his plan to rebuild the country’s roads, railways, and bridges to constituencies eager to lap up the cash, his political standing could use a makeover of its own.
When Biden was on the ropes after this month’s elections, a fractured House Democratic caucus heeded his call and delivered a much-needed legislative victory, with the help of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and 13 of the chamber’s Republicans, on infrastructure. It’s an accomplishment that eluded former President Donald Trump, whose “Infrastructure Week” proclamations became the stuff of mockery.
Judging by the polls, however, the expiration date on not being Trump setting Biden up for political success came sometime in August. The infrastructure win is already fading from the headlines as Biden looks at his presidency and tries to build it back better.
The White House sought to keep infrastructure at the forefront by sending Biden to select places around the country to advertise the specific benefits of forthcoming local projects. But in a kickoff speech in Baltimore, the president could not stay on message. He repeated his view that most people regardless of educational attainment do not understand the phrase “supply chain” — “Supply chains are incredibly complex,” he explained — and largely recited his usual talk about his economic agenda while giving short shrift to details about how it would help the troubled city that was his venue.
Biden instead talked about the Colorado River “being drained,” wildfires in the West, and the “17 Nobel laureates in economics” who share his belief that increasing federal spending will reduce inflationary pressures.
Such unsteady performances have contributed to why Biden has tanked in the polls and seen public confidence in his administration plummet. A USA Today/Suffolk University poll showed just 38% approved of Biden’s performance in office, while 59% disapproved. Vice President Kamala Harris fared even worse, with 28% approval, though only 51% actively disapproved of the job she is doing.
The numbers don’t get better for Biden when broken down by issue. His handling of COVID-19, once an area of strength and a major reason he won last year’s election, is down to 43% approving and 50% disapproving. This was the high point. Thirty-two percent approve of how he has dealt with climate change, but 50% disapprove. On the economy, Biden is at 31% approval and 60% disapproval.
After the messy exit from Afghanistan, Biden has taken a hit in perceptions of his competence as commander in chief. That was on full display in this poll: Only 29% approve of his handling of foreign policy, while 57% disapprove. The border crisis has been the Biden administration’s longest-running public relations fiasco. Accordingly, on immigration, Biden’s approval rating is a dismal 18%, with 67% disapproving. Nearly a third thought Republican Glenn Youngkin’s upset win in the Virginia gubernatorial race reflected “dissatisfaction with the Biden agenda.”
Biden’s allies point out that Suffolk is on the low end when it comes to assessing the president’s support. “Polls are all over the map,” White House spokeswoman Karine Jean-Pierre told reporters when asked about the numbers. “And that’s not going to be our focus right now.” But Biden is also underwater in 29 of the last 31 polls included in the RealClearPolitics average, only once topping 46% approval.
With these numbers, Biden now turns to a heavier lift than infrastructure: passing the bigger climate and social welfare spending bill that liberals demand. If he fails, he could do more to dampen left-wing enthusiasm than infrastructure can do to help it because the Congressional Progressive Caucus and Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders will feel betrayed. The White House had for weeks promised them both bills or nothing.
Centrists have plenty of reasons to keep balking at the bill’s price tag, with the highest inflation rate in over 30 years, bad election results, and worse polling, even if some items in the legislation do have public support. It remains to be seen whether the Congressional Budget Office score, on which House centrists are making their final verdict contingent, will give them another.
It’s possible that these lawmakers are invested enough in Biden’s success as president that they will pass it no matter what the CBO or the consumer price index says. But many of these same Democrats are among the most at risk if the midterm elections go poorly. The American Rescue Plan did nothing to boost Biden or the broader party’s support despite specific items in the law polling well. Sen. Joe Manchin, the West Virginian who has invested considerable political capital in his influence as the deciding vote on the legislation, represents a state that twice voted for Trump by about 40 points.
Biden, like bridge-builders who will be hired thanks to the infrastructure bill, has his work cut out for him.
W. James Antle III is the Washington Examiner’s politics editor.
