The signals from both the Republican and Democratic political campaigns have not been good for those who seek excellence in our K-12 school system. Just as bad are polling numbers from the 2016 Education Next survey administered to representative samples of both the public and the teaching force in May and June. Common Core standards and school vouchers — poster children for school reform — are both in trouble. But beneath the surface lie some hopeful notes.
First, the bad news for reformers. A leaked Democratic National Committee email identified Common Core as “a political third rail” — like the electric rail that drives the subway, touch it and you die. “Get rid of it,” the platform committee was told. Meanwhile, Republicans congratulated the handful of “states which have successfully repealed” Common Core. It’s not just the politicos who are in a killing mood. Public backing for the standards slid from 81 percent to 50 percent between 2013 and 2016. (Percentages exclude those taking a neutral position). Among Republicans, only 39 percent favor Common Core, down from 78 percent just four years earlier. The drop among Democrats — from 84 percent to 60 percent — is also steep. Teacher favorability has fallen as well — from three-quarters to less than one-half over the four-year period.
But if one drops the Common Core name, then national standards fare better. When we dropped the label for one group of respondents, randomly selected, and asked only about the use of standards that are “the same” across the states, 66 percent of the public expressed support, a bit higher than one year ago. Partisan differences all but disappeared, as Republican support ticked upward from 57 percent to 61 percent. Taking these trends into account, several states participating in Common Core have taken steps to rebrand the standards by giving them a distinct name. That appears to be a smart political strategy.
If Common Core has taken a bath, so have school vouchers. Hillary Clinton remains as opposed to vouchers as the Obama Administration. Donald Trump, despite issuing bromides about the virtues of school choice, has yet to endorse them. Among the public support for vouchers targeted to low-income families — the kind of program most frequently on the legislative agenda — garners only 43 percent support, down from 55 percent five years ago. Support for universal vouchers available to all families has fallen by ten percentage points over the past four years, reaching a new low of just half of those who take a position. The drops for both types of vouchers have been steeper among Republicans, creating a strange political divide that leaves Democrats more committed to the most visible embodiment of market-oriented school reform than Republicans.
But as with Common Core, changing the name can change the political dynamics. Tax credits for those who fund scholarships for low-income families are virtually indistinguishable from school vouchers, economists tell us. That may be true, but, politically, they are miles apart. Even as vouchers are slipping, tax credits are riding high, with no less than 65 percent of the general public expressing a favorable position. Democrats, at 69 percent, are even more supportive than Republicans (60 percent).
Other reform signs are positive as well. Most notably, public support for charters (65 percent) is as high as it is for tax credits, and slippage in recent years is barely detectable. A partisan divide can be identified, however. Charters garner the backing of three-quarters of Republicans, but only 58 percent of Democrats.
Similarly, substantial majorities (among those taking sides in 2016) continue to back such reform basics as merit pay for teachers, abolition of teacher tenure, and federally mandated student testing. A bipartisan majority also dislikes giving parents the right to opt their children out of test-taking, even though the Democratic platform embraces the idea.
In short, when one drills down beneath certain buzzwords, one finds continued commitment to school reform. Candidates for elected office would do well to cast their lot with the majorities of Americans who are continuing to support efforts to enhance the quality of American schools.
Paul E. Peterson and Martin R. West are the senior editor and editor-in-chief of Education Next. Both are professors at Harvard University and fellows at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. Thinking of submitting an op-ed to the Washington Examiner? Be sure to read our guidelines on submissions.
