Some juvenile Brits are flying a mocking blimp of President Trump over London, and Trump has groused about this to a British newspaper.
London’s mayor is trying to rile up his own political base by trolling Trump, and Trump is taking the bait.
Boris Johnson, Trump’s most kindred spirit in the United Kingdom, has fallen out with Prime Minister Teresa May over how to execute Britain’s exit from the European Union, and Trump has publicly sided with Johnson over May.
And now Trump is showing his annoyance with British reporter who asked him about May and Brexit.
Trump is annoyed, but he can’t let his pique disrupt what could otherwise be a very productive meeting with America’s closest ally. While antagonism toward the other major European powers is inevitable for any Republican president, especially one with a populist edge, America’s relationship with the U.K. is and ought to be different.
Yes, the U.K. is full of urban populations that hate him and media that displeases him, but so is the U.S., which elected him president. Britain is Trump’s type of European country, and he can and ought to advance this friendship.
The very issue on the table, Brexit, shows why Trump should love Britain. The 2016 vote was a populist declaration of independence, a belated manifestation of the Spirit of ’76, and a victory of nationalism and democracy over the undemocratic international elites. How to execute that Brexit is the question at hand, and that’s a tactical question on which good people can agree.
The trading possibilities between the U.S. and the U.K. are another reason Trump should love Britain. Britain isn’t a low wage country. Unlike with the developing world, more open trade channels with our older, littler brother across the pond won’t lead to the exodus of U.S. jobs. Free trade in general enriches all countries involved, and in the case of the U.S. and U.K., it enriches both countries with fewer negative side effects.
Also, the U.K. is our most reliable partner in common defense, both against Russian aggression and Islamic terrorism. That relationship needs constant care and watering, and this visit is the occasion to do so.
For all these reasons, Trump needs to ignore the annoyances and the differences, and focus on strengthening this bond. And there are some positive signs out of this visit.
Attending a dinner at Blenheim Palace, Winston Churchill’s childhood family residence, on Thursday evening, the president spoke of the shared sacrifices that bind the two nations. But that dinner also served a broader purpose of reinforcing a deep economic relationship and grasping new opportunities for post-Brexit trade. Addressing 150 British business leaders, Trump endorsed the prospect of a near-term U.S.-UK trade deal.
We also note Theresa May’s strong endorsement of Trump’s push to see NATO member states increase their defense spending towards 2 percent of national GDP and beyond. Britain is one of the few NATO member states that already meets the 2 percent NATO target.
This shared fiscal sacrifice represents a shared investment in that which matters most to the world’s most important alliance: the ability to complement a war-fighting capability that can confidently deter and defeat any adversary.
Of course, security cooperation is the heart of the U.S.-U.K. special relationship. And this trip has testified to that relationship in a number of ways. Trump and May scheduled a joint military exercise designed to exemplify the two nations’ special forces interoperability. That capability has rendered havoc on Islamic State and has been instrumental in counter-terrorism and related intelligence operations all across the world.
Londoners, especially the mayor, aren’t fans of Trump. May wouldn’t have been Trump’s pick for PM. But when all is considered, Trump ought to see friendship and cooperation with Britain as serving Americans’ interest. And when you consider the economic dynamics, the security cooperation, and the spark of nationalism, the Brits ought to be Trump’s cup of tea.
