When the House approved an amendment banning federal subsidies to insurance policies that cover elective abortions to the Democratic health care bill, it was a major victory for the Catholic Church and a stinging defeat for liberals.
Now the church is now trying to use its influence to shape the outcome of the Senate bill.
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Of the 97 Democrats in the House who describe themselves as Catholic, 35 voted for the amendment. Without their support, the provision would not have passed.
The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, which signed off in advance on the House amendment, put out a warning to the Senate, which takes up health care this week.
“The Conference will remain vigilant and involved throughout this entire process to assure that these essential provisions are maintained and included in the final legislation,” Cardinal George Lauds said.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., is trying keep both pro-choice and pro-life senators happy, and he does not have any wiggle room. With only 60 Democrat-controlled votes, Reid cannot afford to lose the support of even one senator or Republicans will be able to block the legislation.
“I frankly think this particular issue is one which the Council on Catholic Bishops will probably have more influence than they have had on any other issue in decades,” said Jay Richards, visiting fellow at the Heritage Foundation and a former teaching fellow at Princeton Theological Seminary “I do think there is a strong chance that if the Senate comes up with a bill that strips out the House language, it could cost the bill. I do think it is that crucial.”
There are 15 Catholic Democrats in the Senate, but Reid only has to worry about a few of them, including Sen. Robert Casey, D-Pa., who said he supports the House-passed language banning federal funding for abortions. Casey reminded reporters about similar language pro-life lawmakers tried unsuccessfully to insert into an earlier proposal. “I voted for those amendments,” Casey said.
While many non-Catholic lawmakers also oppose federal funding for abortion, including Sen. Ben Nelson, D-Neb., there are special pressures on Catholic lawmakers.
In Rhode Island, Rep. Patrick Kennedy, a Democrat who voted against the abortion amendment, received a public lashing by the bishop of Providence, Thomas Tobin, who released an open letter to Kennedy.
“It’s a deliberate and obstinate act of the will; a conscious decision that you’ve reaffirmed on many occasions,” Tobin wrote. “Sorry, you can’t chalk it up to an ‘imperfect humanity.'”
While Kennedy’s family name offers him some immunity, the other member of his delegation, Jim Langevin, who is also a Catholic Democrat, didn’t take the risk and voted to block the abortion funding.
On the Left, lawmakers are looking to win the next round.
Senate liberals are already threatening to block a bill that includes the House language.
The leader of the House Progressive Caucus, Rep. Lynn Woolsey, D-Calif., has suggested that the bishops’ tax-exempt status could be at risk because of their political activities.
“It’s hard to see how Reid will find any middle ground between the two,’ the Rev. Thomas Reese, a senior fellow at Georgetown University’s Woodstock Theological Center, said. “Good luck to him.”
Catholic voters at the polls
While members of various Protestant faiths continue to make up more than half of the American electorate, Catholic voters are a key swing constituency that has arguably made difference in recent elections. While the majority of Protestants tend to vote Republican — 54 percent for John McCain in 2008 and 57 percent for George W. Bush in 2004 — reliable support from Catholics, nonbelievers and members of other faiths have been key to Democratic victories.
The first year exit polls found a majority of Catholic support for a Republican candidate was 1972 when incumbent Richard Nixon beat Democrat George McGovern. More than 34 million Catholics voted in 2008.
2008: 27 percent of voters
Obama: 54 percent
McCain: 45 percent
2004: 27 percent of voters
Bush: 50 percent
Kerry: 49 percent
2000: 26 percent of voters
Bush: 47 percent
Gore: 50 percent
1996: 29 percent of voters
Clinton: 53 percent
Dole: 37 percent
Perot: 9 percent
1992: 29 percent of voters
Clinton: 44 percent
Bush: 35 percent
Perot: 20 percent
1988: 26 percent of voters
Bush: 52 percent
Dukakis: 47 percent
