Congress takes the lead on Ukraine support

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky may have made one of the most moving performances of his career Wednesday morning when he pleaded with Congress for more aid in his fight against Russia.

After a video address laced with images of destruction in Ukraine and a robust understanding of American history, representatives and senators exited the gallery with emotion written on their faces and a determination to help. Of course, that determination only goes so far, but Congress is willing to lead the push for American aid in Ukraine.

Minority leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy told reporters afterward that he was moved to send more aid in the form of weapons and sanctions.

“He made the case very strongly,” McCarthy said. “We think about what President Biden should do — I think there’s a bipartisan movement right here.”

Zelensky was also thinking about what the president should do, calling on Biden to steer the United States back into a global peacekeeping role.

“You are the leader of your great nation,” Zelensky said. “I wish you to be the leader of the world. Being the leader of the world means to be the leader of peace.”

He addressed Biden but knew that he might find more willing allies in Congress. Biden is mostly content to keep America’s military at peace, while interventionists from both parties have completely re-prioritized the congressional agenda in just a few weeks.

The far Left has, for the moment, turned away from its push to cut defense spending, while the “America First” momentum on the conservative side is seeing how popular it really is under its first significant test. Of course, there are holdouts on both sides, but Congress is about as united as possible.

“It’s bringing Congress together in a way, frankly, I haven’t seen in my 12 years,” Democratic Sen. Chris Coons of Delaware told the New York Times on Tuesday. “You’d have to go back to 9/11 to see such a unified commitment.”

Zelensky has addressed lawmakers twice and had numerous phone calls with Biden, lobbying for more support against the Russian onslaught, including repeated requests that the U.S. implement a no-fly zone over Ukraine. Unfortunately, that request has found few takers in the U.S. and Europe, as keeping Ukraine’s skies free of Russians means shooting down their planes and amounts to a declaration of war.

But Congress, which since the 9/11 fervor died down has taken little initiative in foreign affairs, is quickly becoming the machine driving the pro-Ukraine outpour — sans no-fly zone. The White House is more cautious and takes on a reactionary role.

For example, on transferring fighter jets to the Ukrainians, the Biden administration said Monday the request was a no-go. Even those who tend to stick with the president’s agenda, congressional leaders broke with him on this.

“I have made clear to them — I spoke to the president himself about 10 days ago about this — I’d like to see the planes over there,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar, a Minnesota Democrat, said last week.

After Zelensky’s address last Wednesday and the continued public outcry from lawmakers for more support, the White House activated an “unprecedented” aid package of $800 million. Included in it are anti-aircraft weaponry, 7,000 small arms, drones, and 20 million rounds of ammunition — but still no fighter jets. Congress already appropriated the money itself as part of its bill to fill out spending for the rest of the fiscal year.

It’s rare that Congress is more hawkish than the president in recent years. Its present enthusiasm doesn’t mean it’s quite ready to declare war, which hasn’t happened since 1942, since voting to get involved in bloodshed doesn’t tend to sit well with constituents. But what might sit better with them is the feeling of standing up to a tyrant or defending Western values.

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