Republicans in West Virginia are pleasantly surprised as they watch Sen. Joe Manchin almost single-handedly derail Democratic plans to pass $3.5 trillion in fresh domestic spending.
The Democratic former governor has made a Washington career out of threatening to block massive spending bills and other liberal legislation, only to fall in the line with party leadership and left-wing colleagues. West Virginia Republicans even have a nickname for Manchin based on this pattern of political maneuvering since his election to the Senate in 2010: “Yes-no Joe.” But something is different about Manchin’s opposition to the size and scope of the $3.5 trillion bill.
This time around, Manchin appears dug-in and unflappable in the face of pressure from President Joe Biden and liberal Democrats in the House and Senate. Republicans back home in West Virginia cannot help but notice, even if begrudgingly.
“Are we glad that he is opposed to the ultra-liberal, crazy Green New Deal? Yes,” said John Findlay, the executive director of the West Virginia Republican Party. “We’re hopeful that it lasts.”
Manchin, 74, during his tenure on Capitol Hill, has cultivated the image of a centrist. Yet, his votes on the Senate floor tell a different story. Manchin’s lifetime score on legislation with the conservative Club for Growth is a paltry 21%. And under former President Barack Obama, the conservative group Heritage Action for America awarded the senator an average score on legislation of just 13% — meaning he was a reliable vote for the administration.
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But under Biden and in the face of ambitious liberal proposals from Democrats in the House and Senate, Manchin has been a fly in the ointment of key elements of his party’s fiscal and social agenda. In a Senate that is evenly split between the parties and controlled by the Democrats only because of Vice President Kamala Harris’s tiebreaking vote, Manchin is singularly empowered to obstruct legislation such as the $3.5 trillion reconciliation package.
And Manchin is doing so, just as he signaled he would to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York months ago.
The senator said then, and reiterated this week, that he favors a reconciliation package that spends no more than $1.5 trillion. Manchin opposes a provision of the bill that would raise corporate taxes above his preferred threshold — and he is demanding that the legislation include the Hyde Amendment, which prohibits federal funds from being used to finance abortions. Reconciliation packages are filibuster-proof and require a simple majority to pass. Without Manchin, Democrats are stuck.
“While I am hopeful that common ground can be found that would result in another historic investment in our nation, I cannot — and will not — support trillions in spending or an all or nothing approach that ignores the brutal fiscal reality our nation faces,” Manchin said in a statement. He also has ruffled Democratic feathers by refusing to vote to junk the 60-vote “filibuster” threshold for legislation.
Manchin has company. Sen. Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona is opposing the reconciliation package in its current form, citing problems with the legislation similar to those voiced by her fellow Democrat from West Virginia (a few additional Senate Democrats are silently cheering Manchin and Sinema on). Both have sparked the ire of Democratic activists — in Washington and back home. However, their opposition makes for great general election politics, including in swing-state Arizona and deep-red West Virginia.
But between them, it is Manchin who is doing all of the talking. In West Virginia, some Republicans are cynical about the senator’s intentions. In a state former President Donald Trump in 2020 won with 68.6% of the vote, Manchin has no choice but to make a big deal about his apprehension to go along with his party’s liberal agenda, they say, especially if he wants to run for reelection in 2024.
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In fact, some Republican insiders are convinced Manchin is simply preserving his political viability. Democrats, once dominant in the state, are now firmly ensconced in the minority. But Republican operatives also concede that Manchin is impressing his conservative constituents, even if they are girding for the possibility that he will cave in the end.
“Conservative voters in West Virginia, whether they are Democrats, independents, or Republicans, will view any effort to control government spending favorably,” said Mark Blankenship, a GOP strategist who is based in the state.
