On Health Care, Trump Tells Conservatives to Take It or Leave It

President Trump met with a select group of leaders from conservative organizations Wednesday evening to discuss the health-care bill. Represented at the meeting were the Club for Growth, the Heritage Foundation (and its political arm, Heritage Action), Americans for Prosperity, FreedomWorks, and the Tea Party Patriots—all of which blasted the new White House-backed health-care bill as Obamacare lite or not a full repeal of the current law.

According to BuzzFeed‘s Tarini Parti, Trump was “jovial” and not confrontational with the group. But the president and his budget director, Mick Mulvaney, were unwilling to budge on the overall proposal and expressed interest only in “small changes” to get conservatives on board. In other words, this wasn’t a negotiation.

It’s notable that these groups weren’t courted before the rollout of the House Republicans’ bill on Monday—and even more notable that in Trump’s belated attempts to woo conservatives, he’s mostly telling them to take it or leave it. This instinct served him well during the presidential election, when so many conservatives put aside their personal and policy objections to Trump (getting few concessions in exchange) and got on board. Will it work here, too?

Throwback Thursday, Obamacare Repeal Edition

Last month Robert Draper at the New York Times Magazine wrote an extensive examination of how Republicans might repeal and replace Obamacare. The article heavily featured one of the participants at Wednesday’s meeting with Trump, Mike Needham of Heritage Action. Here’s an excerpt worth reading in light of the week’s news developments:

Nor did it seem to bother him that Republicans on the Hill were in a frenzy to develop a consensus for replacement legislation. Up to now, Needham reminded me, the goal had been to inculcate in the party a ceaseless lust for Obamacare repeal. “For the last eight years,” he said, “it hasn’t made sense to litigate the nuance of, Do you use a tax credit or a tax deduction, or what are your views of block-granting?” The Republicans might not end up with a single gargantuan replacement bill, and maybe that was as it should be. “We’re probably in an age where smaller, humbler pieces of legislation are easier to get consensus around.” This struck me as sensible and, at the same time, somewhat naïve. If, as in Heritage Action’s dream scenario, Obamacare were to be immediately vaporized, it would leave a yawning vacuum — and the first thing to fill it would be anxiety. Every gruesome case of once-insured families now left to die would be duly chronicled by the media. Legislators would panic — but, if recent history is any judge, their reaction would be tame compared with that of the man who now thoroughly owned the post-Obamacare landscape. Was it really so hard, I asked Needham, to imagine Trump faltering under the specter of bad press and equally bad approval ratings and hastily offering up a Trumpcare that bore a suspicious resemblance to Obamacare? Needham paused for a moment before saying, in a vaguely amazed voice: “I’m a little surprised by the question. Right now, I don’t see much evidence of that playing out.” Trump’s vice president was Mike Pence, “my first hero when I came to Washington.” Tom Price, the nominee for Health and Human Services secretary, and Mick Mulvaney, whom Trump tapped to run the Office of Management and Budget, were longtime supporters of Heritage Action. The former senator Jim DeMint, Ed Feulner’s replacement as president of the Heritage Foundation, was helping to shape the selection of Trump’s prospective Supreme Court nominees. Trump’s team was loaded with Heritage staff members. All this counted for as much as whatever the new president himself thought. “Richard Viguerie, one of the icons of the conservative movement, said to me that what was great about Reagan was that when he walked into the room, you saw your friends and allies walking with him,” Needham told me.

Needham did not respond to my request for a comment on his White House meeting with Trump.

This Is Awkward

Meanwhile, a high-ranking official at the Department of Health and Human Services has come out against the Republican health-care bill. Dr. Andrey Ostrovsky, the chief medical officer for Medicaid, tweeted his opposition Wednesday night. That got D.C. Twitter buzzing.

But Trump doesn’t exactly have a revolt on his hands among loyalists at HHS. Ostrovsky, it should be emphasized, was appointed to his position in October 2016, during the Obama administration.

Huntsman to Moscow?

Former Utah governor Jon Huntsman, who ran for the Republican nomination for president in 2012, has accepted Trump’s offer to serve as ambassador to Russia, reports NBC News. This would be the third ambassadorship for Huntsman, who was posted to Singapore during George H.W. Bush’s administration and to China during Barack Obama’s.

Huntsman was outspoken in his opposition to Trump during last year’s election. That made rumors in Washington last week that Huntsman was being considered for deputy secretary of state ring false. After all, Elliott Abrams had been rejected for that position for writing far less harshly about the future president.

Song of the Day

“Astral Weeks,” Van Morrison.

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