When Donald Trump finally entered the 2016 presidential race after teasing several previous runs, there was rampant speculation it was really, in part, a brand-building exercise. He regularly promoted his products and properties on the campaign trail. There was nonstop talk about “Trump TV,” a prospect one report described as “unappetizing” but “not entirely illogical.”
Instead, Trump won the presidency and served four years at some cost to his personal and business brand. The Twitter account he used to build a rapport with millions of followers is gone. The 2022 PGA Championship will not be coming to Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey. There is a petition to edit the former president out of Home Alone 2. Macy’s dumped his clothes line shortly after his 2015 announcement speech, in which he contended rapists and other criminals were illegally entering the United States from Mexico.
“I do think there is a ton of irony here because I think a good part of the reason Trump ran in the first place was so that it would benefit the brand after he left office,” said a veteran Republican operative in Washington. “And while that may have once worked with 30-35% of the Trump base, I now believe that the riot at the Capitol and his behavior afterwards probably cost him all but his most ardent supporters. And I think that number slowly decreases further when he no longer has the office or social media on which to tout his views.”
New York City sought to revisit its contracts with the Trump Organization after the Capitol attack. Deutsche Bank, Signature Bank in New York, and a pair of Florida banks announced they were pulling back from business ties with the president. Especially vulnerable are name-licensing deals subject to reauthorization or renewal if the partners view the Trump name as too toxic.
For decades, that name was mainly associated with wealth, glamour, and business acumen. Trump’s web extended from New York City real estate to Hollywood to international business deals. He was a ubiquitous presence in the tabloids and on screen, both in media interviews and numerous cameo appearances in movies and television shows before eventually starring in his own: NBC’s The Apprentice and The Celebrity Apprentice.
That reputation and star power helped Trump when he ran for president as a first-time candidate with a campaign heavily staffed by political neophytes. The perception of him as a world-class manager overseeing a massive business empire convinced many voters he was up to the task of running the federal government despite no prior public sector experience. His fame enabled him to amass billions in free media, negating Hillary Clinton’s paid advertising advantage. He enjoyed near-universal name recognition, drowning out 16 other candidates for the GOP nomination.
But once Trump became involved in politics, his brand quickly shifted. He had already weathered controversies related to his spreading conspiracy theories questioning former President Barack Obama’s U.S. citizenship. His populist critiques of a globalist elite were a far cry from his New York cosmopolitan image, though he had complained about unfair U.S. trade deals since the 1980s, straining his relationships with celebrities and industry leaders. Trump’s slice of the market became more limited to the right side of the electorate.
When rumors surfaced in December that Trump might reboot The Apprentice, a Morning Consult poll found 48% of registered voters and 61% of Democrats thought it was a bad idea. (Trump, still in the midst of election challenges, denied the reports he was considering this.) Trump-friendly businesses have faced backlash, such as the boycott of Goya Foods after CEO Robert Unanue praised the then-president and Bed, Bath and Beyond discontinuing MyPillow after its CEO, Mike Lindell, continued to support overturning the election results even after the Capitol siege.
“The Trump brand is distinctive because the brand attaches to the person rather a corporation,” said William Pietersen, professor of management practice at the Columbia Business School. “Trump’s personal behavior has been extremely divisive, and this will have consequences for his brand image and its royalty value.”
Furthermore, the staffing problems in the Trump White House and low public approval of his COVID-19 response have hurt the former Apprentice star’s image of managerial prowess. Investigations, including an unprecedented second Senate impeachment trial, have followed him out of Washington. “In four years, no one but the most hardcore will remember his name, frankly,” said the GOP operative.
Still, Trump won 74 million votes, and many of those supporters are more passionately attached to him as a political figure than they were to Trump Steaks or Trump Vodka. His children are increasingly involved in politics. That is a market waiting to be tapped.
“All branding is a matter of segmentation,” Pietersen said. “I imagine we will see the emergence of two segments, pro and against Trump. Exactly how the sizes of these segments will evolve is still uncertain, but one thing is certain: Both segments will be much more fervent than before.”
“I think he would attract a large following on talk radio or even television,” said Erik Gordon, a professor at the Ross School of Business at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. “I’m not sure the Apprentice gig is his best shot. He seems better positioned as a political personality than as a business guru.”
Trump returned to Mar-a-Lago after leaving the White House, where he is plotting his next move.
