Human beings are crucified across many axes: the here and now, on the one hand, and the infinite and eternal, on the other; the demands of our limited bodies, and the amazing abilities of our souls; participation in our earthly politics, and participation in spiritual communion with that which is above us.
The last axis—the horizontal plane of earthly politics and the vertical of communion with that which is above—is particularly important, as it indicates that we relate to both God and our fellow man. The demands placed on us by this double relationship can be conflicting and we humans are therefore destined for a life of tension between earthly and heavenly communion. This can be a difficult balance to live; indeed, has been difficult since, according to biblical tradition, the Fall of man in the Garden of Eden.
We’re not getting any help from our current politics, Stephen P. White suggests in his helpful new primer on Catholic social teaching, Red, White, Blue, and Catholic. Many Mass-attending Catholics vote for the Republican party because that party long ago “became the de facto home for religious conservatives and defenders of traditional morality.” But the Republican party is often committed to radical individualist autonomy, as well. Thus, “although it has become increasingly easy to see the Democrats as the party of social and sexual libertinism, big government, and irreligion, Republicans have invited criticisms as the party of individualism, greed, and religious fundamentalism.”
There’s a third way. It’s one found in the social teachings of the Catholic Church. Catholic social teaching originated with Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical letter “Rerum Novarum” (“Of New Things”), issued 125 years ago on May 15, 1891, and continues today, most recently with Pope Francis’ “Laudato Si” (“Praise Be To You”). There are four principles of Catholic social teaching: dignity of the human person, or the principle that society arises “from the very nature and vocation of the human person”; subsidiarity, or the principle that all levels of society are free “to be what they are”; solidarity, or “a sense of shared responsibility…a sense that we’re responsible…for the well-being of all”; and the common good, or “the good of all members of the human family.” The common good is secured through subsidiarity and solidarity, though it “arises from the dignity of the human person” as the goal to which society must strive.
White’s volume—and Catholic social teaching—is about Catholic citizenship. There can be no doubt that this topic will appeal to members of the Catholic Church, especially as there is a growing conversation within the Catholic and Orthodox communities about the proper disposition for Christians toward politics and contemporary culture. Still, many of the principles found here will also be familiar to those of a conservative persuasion. The principles of citizenship in White’s volume will help any person to live a fuller life in his or her political community. White’s conclusion, especially helpful, contains concrete suggestions for how to live one’s citizenship more fully.
White’s book is worth consulting for any American citizen who thinks that citizenship should mean more than radical individualism or moral libertinism. Our most important experiences occur in happy, joyful, and independent communities. White builds the case for those communities to thrive from the perspective of the Catholic tradition but his recommendations will resonate with all Americans.
Ian Lindquist is Fellow at the Public Interest Fellowship in Washington, D.C.
