The Justice Department investigation into allegations that Rep. Duncan Hunter dipped into his campaign coffers to cover personal expenses is the latest example of lawmakers getting tripped up over rules about how they can and can’t spend the money they raise.
Although the Office of Congressional Ethics’ full report detailing why the independent agency believes his actions merit scrutiny remains private indefinitely, Hunter’s local newspaper, the San Diego Union-Tribune began documenting specific examples of the questionable expenditures before the Justice Department enquiry became public.
A family trip to Italy, video games, nail salon visits and a garage door are among the expenses—some of which Hunter repaid his campaign—that caught investigators eyes.
Hunter, a Republican from California, denies any wrongdoing, told Politico that he was “not involved in any criminal action. Maybe I wasn’t attentive enough to my campaign. That’s not a crime.”
But an examination of Ethics Committee releases shows that several lawmakers have the same problem. Campaign finance questions comprise the bulk of referrals the panel receives.
Aside from Hunter, the OCE most recently advised the Ethics Committee to examine former Rep. Marlin Stutzman’s use of campaign funds to pay for a family vacation. However, the Indiana Republican who lost in last year’s Senate primary left Congress before the 10-peer panel made any decisions.
The Ethics Committee does not have jurisdiction over former lawmakers.
The Ethics Committee did close the books on a four-year probe into allegations that Rep. Vern Buchanan, R-Fla., violated campaign laws last June. It concluded the there was “insufficient evidence” of the charges.
The Federal Election Commission and Justice Department, which conducted separate investigations, closed those probes without taking any action against Buchanan.
Also in 2016, it opened an inquiry into then-Rep. Corrine Brown, D-Fla., on an array of allegations that included misuse of campaign funds, but postponed it as the Justice Department was pursuing a federal corruption case against Brown and her former chief of staff.
Brown, who goes on trial next month, lost her re-election bid in November, removing her from the committee’s jurisdiction.
The same patterned happened with former Reps. Aaron Schock, R-Ill., and Michael Grimm, R-N.Y.
The Ethics Committee released the OCE report about Schock, who is fighting a 24-count indictment that he misused both campaign and official office funds, before he stepped down in 2015. And it released the Grimm report before he went to jail as a result of an investigation that began with allegations of improperly using campaign funds.
Former Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., D-Ill., went to jail for illegal campaign spending. He resigned months after the Ethics Committee published his OCE report in late 2011.
In the most recent case involving Hunter, the Ethics Committee could decide to make the full OCE report about Hunter’s case public before the Justice Department wraps up its investigation. It has a year to determine whether to extend its review or post the report.
Hunter replaced his father in Congress, and in 2009, the elder Hunter was wrapped up in the former Rep. Randy “Duke” Cunningham scandal.
Hunter was never under investigation in that case, but he took flack for accepting campaign contributions from the defense contractor who Cunningham went to jail for accepting bribes from and for steering government funds to contractors tied to Cunningham.
That all unfolded in 2005, when the Ethics Committee was essentially dormant, prompting the creation of the OCE. Lawmakers are loath to stand in judgment of one another. From 2002 until 2010 the committee did not reprimand anyone, conduct any investigations, issue a statement or even hardly ever meet.
