A Russia-friendly peace plan has congressional Republicans skittish and increasingly willing to break with President Donald Trump as he sends mixed signals on his commitment to Ukraine.
The 28-point proposal, which would shrink Ukraine’s military and cede further land, was “refined” on Sunday with input from European allies, calming the nerves of lawmakers who saw it as capitulation to Russia. However, the episode has prompted an unusual degree of GOP pushback, signaling that Congress is increasingly prepared to intervene in those talks to secure a deal more favorable to Ukraine.
The clearest sign of frustration came on Friday from Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), who moved to force a vote on new Russia sanctions that are expected to receive at least some Republican support. Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE) told the Washington Examiner on Monday that he will sign on to the discharge petition when the House returns after the Thanksgiving break.
“Congress needs to intervene, and the Republicans need to let the president know this is unacceptable,” Bacon said in an interview. “The vast majority are trying to give the president room to operate, but we can’t trust him on Ukraine, and Republicans need to save him from himself.”
Separately, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) called on Congress to review any agreement that is reached between Russia and Ukraine, invoking the Iran nuclear deal to argue that peace talks fall under the Senate’s power to review treaties.
“A lasting peace in Ukraine must ensure Russia cannot launch another invasion in the future,” Graham said in a statement on Sunday. “Congressional review will allow us to achieve that goal.”
Graham, a close Trump ally, has been careful not to work at cross purposes with the White House and spent months revising his own version of the sanctions bill, a strategy that has paid dividends. Last week, Trump blessed the legislation, meaning it could soon come up for a vote regardless of Fitzpatrick’s petition.
Yet other Republicans hope to send a message after Trump gave what was initially perceived as an ultimatum to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. Fitzpatrick called the draft plan “unserious nonsense” and a product of appeasement after Trump gave Ukraine until Thursday to respond to the proposal, while Bacon expressed impatience with inaction by the Senate and White House.
“I’m not into waiting for anybody,” said Bacon, a retiring centrist who has repeatedly broken with Trump. “We should be proactive and aggressive – the president and his team needs to know clearly that the vast majority Republicans reject what they tried to do on Thursday.”
Lawmakers found themselves in the middle of the brewing firestorm on Saturday when Sen. Mike Rounds (R-SD), backed up by two other senators, alleged that the draft peace plan was a Russian document, citing a phone call with Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
The State Department quickly denied that claim, as did Rubio himself; however, Republicans view Rubio as a moderating force within the administration. Russia hawks are simultaneously suspicious of Vice President JD Vance, who has taken a more non-interventionist stance on the war in Ukraine, and Steve Witkoff, Trump’s special envoy for peace missions.
That scrutiny morphed into a series of barbs Monday between Vance and Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY), a defense hawk and former Senate GOP leader. Vance accused McConnell of “ridiculous” attacks on the officials advising Trump, prompting McConnell to warn that a peace deal is not “worth the paper it’s written on” if it rewards Putin’s invasion.
So far, the current congressional leadership has shown deference to the White House on sanctions, declining to hold a vote without Trump’s approval. Yet the overwhelming majority of lawmakers want to see them signed into law, viewing penalties on Russia’s energy sector as a means to extract concessions from Putin.
THUNE FACES HOUSE PUSHBACK TO VOTING FIRST ON RUSSIA SANCTIONS
The Senate version of the sanctions bill gained its 86th co-sponsor, Sen. Tim Scott (R-SC), on Saturday, just days after the draft plan became public. As chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, Scott has partial jurisdiction over the legislation.
In the House, Fitzpatrick’s measure has more than 110 co-sponsors.
Both Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) have committed to bringing the legislation to the floor, but have settled into a stalemate over which chamber should act first.
