The clientele of the wine bar were mostly strangers, and Greenwood’s was the only familiar face. “Hi, congressman!” I said, though he wasn’t a congressman anymore. He was the head of one of the most active industry lobbies in Washington: the Biotechnology Industry Organization, also known as BIO. He smiled and waved — and walked out of the bar onto Pennsylvania Avenue.

Greenwood was at Sonoma Wine Bar that night to drop off a $1,000 check for the campaign of Martha Coakley, the Democratic nominee for the special election to fill out the rest of the late Ted Kennedy’s Senate term. Coakley was plummeting in the polls, and Democrats saw Republican Scott Brown making a surge in the polls. If Brown won, Democrats would drop to 59 seats in the Senate, and it might be impossible to pass Obamacare, they feared.

So Greenwood, acting on behalf of the biotech industry, was shelling out to save Obamacare way back in January 2010. Today, he is endorsing Joe Biden as a “former Republican lawmaker,” but he is a biotech lobbyist. He just recently left BIO (now named the Biotechnology Innovation Organization) for K Street lobbying firm DLA Piper to run its “newly created Life Sciences, Health, Policy and Regulatory subgroup.”

BIO’s members, if not BIO, are sure to be Greenwood’s clients. Biotech companies oppose President Trump’s efforts to curtail drug prices, and Greenwood and his lobby group have always prioritized federal support research on stem cells from embryos, which Biden would obviously support more than the Trump administration.

Yet the media coverage of Greenwood endorsing Trump leaves out that he is a biotech lobbyist.

And Greenwood isn’t the only lobbyist or quasi-lobbyist on the list of Republicans for Biden. Twelve of the 27 names on that list show up in the Revolving Door database run by the Center for Responsive Politics. Three of them are at just one firm.

Charlie Dent is a lobbyist at DLA Piper. His clients include Raytheon, Blue Cross Blue Shield, and a company trying to launch a MagLev train from Washington to New York City. Ray LaHood is also at DLA Piper with Dent and Greenwood. LaHood is not registered to lobby but was hired as a “senior policy adviser.”

John Warner works at the lobbying firm Hogan & Hartson, where his lobbying work has included working on behalf of foreign satellite operators to loosen restrictions aimed at depriving China of weapons technology.

Tom Coleman is not a registered lobbyist, but he has been, and he works at a lobbying firm and has represented foreign companies who object to Trump’s trade war.

Charles Djou is at a lobbying firm called Majority Group. Jim Kolbe runs his own lobbying firm. Steve Kuykendall was a bundler for Hillary Clinton. He launched his own lobbying firm after only one term in Congress and now works at a lobbying firm whose clients include DuPont and General Electric. Susan Molinari launched her own lobbying firm upon exiting Congress, lobbied for Russia, and ran Google’s lobbying shop.

Jack Quinn left Congress for the lobbying firm Cassidy & Associates, where he lobbied for railroad funding. He now serves as a “senior adviser for public and community” relations at a law firm. James Walsh is a registered lobbyist with clients in transportation and venture capital. Dick Zimmer also launched his own lobbying firm and worked until 2009 at lobby/law firm Gibson, Dunn, and Crutcher.*

There are many reasons for a Republican to oppose Trump. For pro-choice, pro-big-spending Republicans like most of those above, there’s plenty of reason to vote for Biden. But we ought to at least consider that when they’re backing Biden, they may be trying to bolster their clients’ interests.

CORRECTION: In a previous version of this article, it originally stated that Zimmer was still at Gibson, Dunn, and Crutcher, rather than noting that he left in 2009. The Washington Examiner regrets the error.