Evangelical Christians cast a large and consistent share of America’s vote. Despite the common wisdom among conservatives, white Evangelicals — the group specifically measured by exit pollsters for the last two presidential elections — actually turned out in slightly larger numbers in 2008 (26 percent of the electorate) than they did in 2004. In both years, they gave Republicans roughly three-quarters of their votes. So John McCain’s loss to Barack Obama four years ago was not due to disaffected Evangelicals staying home on Election Day.
Democrats would lose every presidential election without a robust and lopsided African-American vote. But Republicans are even more dependent for their victories on white Evangelicals.
In that context, it has become a major question in 2012 whether Republican Mitt Romney has an “Evangelical problem.” The suspicion among some quarters of the Evangelical community concerning Romney’s Mormon religion is well-known. Pastor Robert Jeffress expressed this last fall with his comment that Mormonism is “a cult,” and that Evangelical voters “ought to give preference to a Christian instead of someone who doesn’t embrace historical Christianity.”
In Republican primary contests, Evangelicals clearly felt more comfortable with Rick Santorum — whose fellow Catholics opted for Romney instead. But now that Romney is the presumptive Republican nominee, it would be a shame to see anti-Mormon bigotry trump the affinity that fervent Protestants should have for Romney’s religious values — if not his doctrines — as well as his positions on issues critical to America’s future.
It is not bigotry for Evangelical voters to weigh carefully any flaws they perceive in Romney as a candidate. But they will find in him important strengths and points of agreement that surely outweigh concerns about his religious practice, as well as the past practices and current theology of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Evangelicals inclined to vote only for politicians who share their religious doctrines should remember that Jimmy Carter was and remains a committed Southern Baptist.
On the issue of Israel and its security from Iranian aggression, Romney has been consistent and has no baggage. Where President Obama has “evolved” on same-sex marriage with its popularity in opinion polls, Romney has supported the traditional definition of marriage as between one man and one woman.
Recently, several dozen Catholic institutions sued the Obama administration over its requirement that they act against Catholic moral teachings by funding birth control and sterilizations for employees. Evangelicals, who roundly oppose the government compelling citizens to act against their religious beliefs, should recall that Romney stoutly and ably defended religious freedom and his own record on the issue during the Republican primary debates.
But the strongest reason for Evangelical voters to support Romney is that the next president, with his appointment power, will likely determine the Supreme Court’s makeup for the next generation. As the high court prepares to deliver its verdict on Obamacare this summer, conservatives are, for once, looking forward to the decision with modest hope of a positive outcome. The court has leaned right in recent years, but it did not always.
An Obama victory this November could give him as many as three more Supreme Court appointments, taking us back to a solidly liberal court that will have no qualms about forcing Evangelicals, Catholics and others of faith to toe the liberal line. Whatever theological differences exist between Romney and Evangelical voters, that prospect alone should generate a record Evangelical turnout in his favor.
