Former CIA spy Sabrina De Sousa does not appear to be terribly bright.
In 2009, De Sousa was one of 23 Americans convicted in absentia for the 2003 kidnapping of Egyptian terrorist Abu Omar off the streets of Milan. Since then, 22 of those Americans have avoided travel to countries in the European Union where they might be extradited to Italy.
Not De Sousa. In 2015, she was detained in EU-member Portugal and had her passport confiscated.
Let’s be clear, De Sousa’s decision to enter Portugal was amazingly stupid. She knew that the EU judiciary hates the CIA. But as a former operations officer, De Sousa also knows how to escape from hostile territory. Why De Sousa decided to remain in Portugal on house arrest is odd. But that’s not the only question mark here. Months prior to her detention, in June 2015, De Sousa told Vice News the CIA’s rendition program is a dark hole for torture. In short, she bought more attention onto herself and less sympathy from the United States government.
Still, De Sousa did serve the U.S. with the CIA. For doing so, she is now facing four years of prison. The U.S. government has a responsibility to free her. Here’s how it can.
First, President Trump should ensure the Italian government understands his dissatisfaction. While Italy is a close American ally, its far-left political scene is heavily represented in the judiciary and hostile to the U.S (especially the CIA). For these leftists, De Sousa thus ranks among the most detestable and most-sacrificially delectable. Trump must show these U.S. adversaries that he means to deny them their victim.
This concern is more pronounced in the context of Beppe Grillo’s rising Five Star Movement. With elections expected soon, Five Star is running even with Italy’s ruling center-left party. While Grillo speaks kindly of Trump, Five Star’s left-populist platform seems ill-inclined towards helping De Sousa. It’s important that Trump see De Sousa released before elections muddy the waters.
Second, Trump should request specific action from Italian President Sergio Mattarella. After all, under the Italian Constitution, ”The President may grant pardons and commute punishments.” A pardon is preferable in that it would free De Sousa in conformity with the Italian judicial process. The Italian government needs a way to save face. A pardon would allow that.
Of course, diplomacy is a two-way street. As such, in return for Mattarella’s support, Trump’s government should be prepared to work with Italy on its key priorities. These include the continued presence of U.S. military bases (which generate a lot of revenue for local towns) on Italian soil and improved U.S.-Italian trading opportunities. The military base issue gives Trump an especially strong hand. Italy, like many EU members, is concerned that Trump’s pursuit of a better deal abroad may mean the closure of U.S. foreign bases.
Third, Trump should offer an unequivocal statement of support to the operations contingent (those who go abroad to spy) of the U.S. intelligence community. Trump’s speech at the CIA last month disheartened many intelligence professionals. Instead of thanking them for their service and articulating his priorities, he rambled about his inauguration crowds and repeated his idiotic desire to steal Iraq’s oil.
But a statement of support would also serve another critical purpose. It would help deter U.S. enemies from kidnapping or attacking U.S. intelligence personnel. De Sousa aside, when U.S. intelligence officers are kidnapped, they tend to end up tortured and murdered. This statement would also help dissuade U.S. allies from populist persecutions of officers like De Sousa. President Barack Obama led poorly on this issue. Trump should rectify the issue.
Ultimately, unless she sought to be imprisoned, De Sousa was arrogant and unprofessional in her actions. But De Sousa is also a veteran of the war on terror. She served the U.S. faithfully and embraced risk to herself and her family. For those reasons alone, Trump must take action to free her.
Tom Rogan (@TomRtweets) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a foreign policy columnist for National Review, a domestic policy columnist for Opportunity Lives, a former panelist on The McLaughlin Group and a senior fellow at the Steamboat Institute.
If you would like to write an op-ed for the Washington Examiner, please read our guidelines on submissions here.
