France – friend or foe?
That is an appropriate question for NATO and anyone in America worried about Russian aggression in eastern Europe. That’s because France, rather unapologetically, has teamed with the Russians to enhance Vladimir Putin’s military capabilities.
After resisting pressure from his NATO allies to stop the sale of Mistral class amphibious assault warships to Russia, French President Francois Hollande declared in early September that because Russian “actions” in eastern Ukraine threatened European security, the Mistral sales would be halted.
But France is facing other pressures. A cancellation would result in not only the loss of some $1.8 billion in revenue, but it would also trigger severe contract cancellation penalties for the two Mistrals already set for delivery.
However, close inspection of Hollande’s statement leaves France sufficient latitude to deliver the Mistrals at a later date, and that is what some observers think will happen.
Russia’s purchase of the two Mistrals represents a dynamic change in Russia’s strategic and operational thinking. The Mistral is a landing helicopter dock platform and provides Russia with much-needed naval assault as well as communications and control capability. Strategically, the Mistral would promote Russia’s aggressive foreign policy, and France had absolutely no hesitation in assisting the Russians for a price.
But France’s material support of Russia’s aggression neither began nor ended with the sale of Mistrals. France’s Thales and EAD have been providing cooperation in defense research and development apart from the Mistral. This cooperation represents a transfer of French combat management and communications systems to Russia.
As a member of NATO, France appears to be playing a duplicitous game by undermining NATO’s strategic interests through arming its primary adversary, Russia, with advanced technology. This presents an enormous problem for Poland, whose geography puts it on NATO’s critical eastern line of defense. An aggressive and modernized Russian military, coupled with a wobbly American president, has sent Poland on a quest to rapidly acquire an adequate missile defense system that can meet today’s threats.
Curiously, one of the two finalists to produce a key component of the Polish missile defense shield is France’s Eurosam.
Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski has made no secret of the absurdity of Poland buying a French missile defense system to stop missiles that might be launched from a French platform using French missile technology. Polish defense minister, Tomasz Siemoniak, has said, “I can’t hide the fact that the Mistral issue is not helping us make positive decisions about French missiles shield suppliers.”
Yet, today the SAMP/T system — along with a U.S.-made system — is on the short list as Poland seeks to help secure the region, while protecting itself from the most sophisticated ballistic and cruise missiles.
Poland has some tough decisions to make, and the system’s capabilities, maneuverability, and interoperability are all key factors. As the former Director of Test at the U.S. Missile Defense Agency, Maj. Gen. Francis Mahon, has noted, “For SAMP/T, tactical interoperability is largely an unknown.”
Even the U.S. Department of Defense has weighed in, according to Rep. Mike Rogers, R -Ala., Chairman of the Strategic Forces Subcommittee for the House Armed Services Committee. In a Sept. 15 press release, Rogers quoted a DOD letter that stated in part, “It is important that the missile defense system Poland procures be interoperable with the NATO ballistic missile defense system.” DOD went on to imply the U.S. system would be the best option, while acknowledging it was ultimately Poland’s decision to make.
Integration aside, larger issues loom. As Poland’s prestigious Casimir Pulaski Foundation, which is evaluating the best solution for Poland’s defense shield, noted, going with a U.S. system used by other NATO allies would not only send a strong message to France about its contributions to Russia’s military aggression, but also to the European community about its inadequate response to Russia’s assault on Ukraine.
Going with the French system might also weaken transatlantic relations, which are vital to Poland’s long-term interests since only Washington will “eventually” take a robust stand against Russia.
The word “eventually” is likely an aspiration about the conduct of a future administration because it is an open secret that senior members of the Polish government view the Obama administration’s security guarantees to be worthless.
Both Poland’s defense and diplomatic interests would best be served by spiking France’s missile defense offering and sending a message to the world that duplicitous diplomacy will not be tolerated.
Jason Stverak is the President of the Franklin Center for Government & Public Integrity. Thinking of submitting an op-ed to the Washington Examiner? Be sure to read our guidelines on submissions for editorials, available at this link.
