Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, now locked in a public feud with his own church, is confronting a domestic institution defined by decades of Russian influence.
The Armenian Apostolic Church is one of the country’s most powerful institutions. Over the past several months, the confrontation between the state and the clergy has been marked by aggressive accusations and political tension. The government has arrested a number of priests, alleging that clergy have been involved in anti-government activities, coup attempts, and inciting violent groups.
The Armenian Church has long served as a channel of Russian influence. By questioning its leadership and moral authority, Pashinyan became the first Armenian leader to confront this pillar of power. It’s part of a broader effort to assert independence from Moscow and realign Armenia toward the West.
Armenia, sadly, is not an outlier here. In several post-Soviet states, Russia has relied on Orthodox networks as instruments of foreign policy, political influence, and intelligence gathering. Church-linked figures often promote narratives highlighting Russia’s strength and the dangers of Western involvement, amplifying public fear of war and portraying alignment with Moscow as the safer choice.
In Ukraine, President Volodymyr Zelensky moved to restrict the activities of the Moscow-linked Ukrainian Orthodox Church, arguing that it had become a fifth column for Russian interests. Ukrainian officials say dozens of its priests have been investigated for aiding Russian forces, passing information about troop movements, spreading Kremlin propaganda, or even hiding weapons in monasteries.
In Georgia, the Orthodox Church remains one of the most trusted and politically potent institutions in the country. Several high-ranking Georgian clerics have maintained close ties with Russian religious hierarchs, echoing Kremlin talking points on “traditional values”, opposing Georgia’s NATO or EU integration, and what they call “Western decadence.” As Georgia’s government drifts closer to Moscow, the Orthodox Church has emerged as one of its key sources of legitimacy.
Moldova offers the latest and most garish example. Ahead of consequential elections last month, hundreds of Orthodox priests accepted all-expenses-paid pilgrimages to Russia and returned with debit cards funded by Moscow. In exchange, they were tasked to help spread anti-EU narratives and pro-Kremlin messages on social media, turning parishes into political communication hubs.
The same playbook is on display outside the former Soviet Union, in the Balkans. In Serbia, the Russian and Serbian Orthodox Churches have openly embraced the fight against what they call “Western cultural aggression.” Their cooperation has evolved into a political partnership that extends beyond theology, aimed at reinforcing Serbia’s nationalist current and deepening Moscow’s foothold in the region.
This is not a simple story of religious affinity. The Russian Orthodox Church today is a state-controlled institution, a pillar of Vladimir Putin’s ideological architecture. Religion in Russia is a function of the state. The Church provides moral cover for war, sanctifying aggression and promising heaven to those who die in Ukraine. There are exceptions, individual priests who oppose the Kremlin’s influence and speak for genuine faith. Still, institutionally, the Church remains institutionally aligned with Moscow’s interests.
The Russian Orthodox Church has a long record of working with state power and security services. Soviet archives show that clergy, including senior bishops, were recruited by the KGB to influence communities elsewhere. Patriarch Kirill himself, who rose through the hierarchy during the Soviet period, is widely believed to have served in such a capacity. The Soviets hollowed out the churches, placing them under the control of intelligence agencies and promoting compromised clergy. The result is an institution that, as in the Cold War, continues to support the Kremlin’s foreign policy agenda, and for them, the Cold War continues.
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In parts of the Western left, Russia is still viewed through an outdated anti-imperialist lens as a counterbalance to U.S. dominance, while some in conservative circles in the U.S. romanticize it as a Christian bulwark. The latter often ignores the Kremlin’s ruthless repression of protestants and other Christians, particularly in occupied Ukraine.
The irony, of course, is that while Moscow brands the West as “satanic“, the reality is far less holy.
