Conservative groups could move against Trump

Conservative enforcers who labor to keep congressional Republicans in line are casting a wary eye at Donald Trump, an ideological apostate who has nonetheless rocketed to an early lead in the GOP presidential primary.

Club for Growth is perhaps the most concerned about Trump’s early momentum. The free-market advocacy group has feuded publicly with the New York billionaire businessman/entertainer recently about his support for higher taxes, government-run healthcare and protectionist trade policies. In an interview, club President David McIntosh said his organization was developing contingency plans to take on Trump and was prepared to spend money educating Republican primary voters, if he’s not overtaken in the months ahead.

“We’re also looking at a mix of things that club political arms do — the affiliated PAC and super PAC — and are keeping all the options open,” McIntosh told the Washington Examiner on Thursday. “We’ve got one of the best fields the Republican Party’s had for a long time. But many of them can’t get any oxygen in the room because Trump’s using it all up.”

McIntosh, a former Indiana congressman, didn’t mince words, calling Trump a “disaster” on economic policy. Trump claims the Club for Growth turned on him after the group was unsuccessful in shaking him down for a donation. But according to McIntosh, he met with Trump this past spring at the New Yorker’s request, and only sent him a letter soliciting a contribution after the real estate mogul and reality television star volunteered that he was interested in donating.

The Club for Growth is among a few influential conservative groups that are headquartered in Washington but operate outside of the structure of the Republican Party establishment.

These donor-supported groups, which purport to represent millions of grassroots conservatives who vote in GOP primaries, have taken it upon themselves to determine which policies, and legislative proposals, are sufficiently conservative, and which aren’t; which merit support and which don’t. They maintain scorecards, and congressional Republicans are often looking over their shoulders at key votes, mindful not to cross the groups too much and open themselves up to a primary challenger.

But exactly where might these groups derive their political power to elect conservatives, and drive the conservative agenda they care passionately about, if the GOP is led by a populist that supports a litany of liberal priorities, talks about taxes using President Obama’s language about everyone needing to pay their “fair share” and declares entitlement reform a nonstarter? That’s why they’re keeping an eye on Trump’s summer ascendancy, even though they insist it’s too early to be overly concerned.

“It’s hard for me to be serious about a poll until I have a jacket and gloves on,” said Adam Brandon, president and CEO of FreedomWorks, a pro-growth advocacy group, although he added: “If candidates on the Republican and Democratic sides are both anti-growth — I’d hate to do this in the most important election in my lifetime — but we’d shrug our shoulders at the presidential race and focus on House and Senate races.”

Conservative groups blame Trump’s rise in the Republican primary partly on voter frustration with the GOP-controlled Congress and partly on Obama’s stretching of executive authority. Given the wealth of dynamic conservatives seeking the Republican nomination, they express confidence that voters will gravitate toward a true, growth-oriented, limited government candidate over time, as they focus more intently on the race and learn about the policies each are pushing.

To that end, Club for Growth, FreedomWorks, Freedom Partners, and Heritage Action, the political offshoot of the Heritage Foundation think tank, are planning to involve themselves in the process in various ways.

The club has given its pro-growth seal of approval to a handful of Republican contenders (Jeb Bush; Ted Cruz; Rand Paul; Marco Rubio and Scott Walker) and taken the unprecedented step of bundling campaign contributions for them from its members. And, as all of the candidates’ economic and tax plans become more defined, the initial policy endorsements will be re-evaluated, renewed, or granted to contenders who did not make the first cut for bundling.

Freedom Partners, the political umbrella group overseeing the various free market organizations run by billionaire industrialists Charles and David Koch, has issued questionnaires to each of the candidates as part of the process of determining which contender, or contenders, it might back with its considerable financial and organizational muscle.

FreedomWorks plans to issue scorecards rating the candidates on matters important to the group, and is joining forces with Rep. Rod Blum, R-Iowa, to host a Dec. 5 presidential forum in the Hawkeye State.

Heritage Action, which has emerged as among the most effective outside groups on the right in terms of pressuring congressional Republicans to support conservative policies and reject moderate compromises, also is hosting a presidential forum and developing an exhaustive scorecard.

Heritage Action is keeping its powder dry for now, declining to comment on any candidate or the policies they’re pushing, and that includes Trump. But that will change after it’s candidate forum, being held in Greenville, S.C., on Sept. 19, and moderated by Heritage Foundation President Jim DeMint and South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley. Heritage Action spokesman Dan Holler said it’s scorecard, due in October, is going to be exhaustive, including past records, statements, and fresh proposals.

Holler said the Greenville forum would be among the most policy-heavy of any of the presidential forums to date. Combined with the candidate platform reviews, which have been several months in the making, Heritage Action intends to shine a light on less conservative candidates and steer grassroots GOP voters toward the most consistent and committed right-of-center contenders.

“Much like we do with Congress, the policy is of the utmost concern for us,” Holler said.

Disclosure: The author’s wife works as an adviser to Scott Walker

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