What to make of the huge win by Japan’s Democratic Party against the entrenched establishment forces of Japan’s long-ruling LDP? It is exciting stuff. But some Americans will worry. Isn’t the party, with its previous periods of opposition to refueling ships in the Indian Ocean for the Afghanistan mission, resistance to some current U.S. military basing arrangements, and general contrarian attitudes on foreign policy, a major problem for the United States? After decades of trying to get Japan to “do more” in the international system, isn’t this election a setback for Americans hoping for greater help from the Japanese in key challenges around the world?
There are reasons for attentiveness, and even some concern. I am, however, an optimist about how the U.S.-Japanese alliance will fare under Democratic Party rule for several reasons. Having been lucky enough to meet several Democratic Party leaders over the years, through the kind efforts of Japan experts in the United States like Mike Mochizuki, I realize that these are serious, thoughtful, and responsible people. But there are deeper reasons to be reassured.
First and most obviously, we should not be too worried by campaign rhetoric. The language of major change is often used by candidates trying to distance themselves from unpopular incumbents while trying to create excitement, financial support and high voter turnout. However this is a campaign tactic. Often such individuals, and parties, are more moderate once in power. President Barack Obama is of course a case in point, particularly as regards foreign policy.
In addition, the fundamentals of the U.S.-Japanese alliance remain strong and consistent with the security interests of both countries. The arrangements on military basing, joint research on programs like missile defense, diplomatic collaboration, economic cooperation, and many other issues reflect and serve the basic interests of both countries. Japan benefits from a helpful ally far across the ocean given the security environment in which it resides; the United States needs strong global partners and Japan is one of the strongest. Crisis in North Korea and the challenges posed by a rising China remind us of our common interests, should we forget.
Moreover, Japan was due for change, just like the United States was last year. In fact, it is striking to me how little Japan has even factored into the first eight months of Obama administration policymaking. Japan needed a push, a spark, to make itself a player again, to have its politics gain the kind of attention and interest commensurate with its global status. And of course, more generally, as a democracy ruled for so long by one party, Japan is due for political change.
However I hope that this new government will avoid the temptation to simply say what its voters and citizens want to hear, and look for some innovative ways to build a stronger U.S.-Japanese alliance over the longer term. This will be a key challenge for a party that largely told voters what they wanted to hear in order to be elected, and did not offer much in the way of uncomfortable new proposals. That is a temptation that politicians feel around the world, but the Democratic Party of Japan now must also ask Japanese to sacrifice for their country.
I would offer three possible ways for the new Japanese government to do more on the international front. First, it could ensure that Japan’s view toward the North Korea issue transcend the question of a dozen or more Japanese citizens kidnapped by North Korean agents in the past. Japanese have a right to demand answers on the abduction issue. But perhaps Japan can make itself the champion of human rights more generally — including North Korean human rights — as it also pushes for resolution on the abduction issue.
Second, whether Japan does anything more to help militarily in Afghanistan or not, there are many missions around the world where lives are at stake and Japan has the necessary assets to help. It could consider sending peacekeeping troops to undermanned United Nations missions in Sudan and Congo, for example. At least, it could offer a great deal more logistics support.
Third, Japan could take the lead as well on offering more funding for an expansion of the Afghan security forces. This growth will be needed, and it will be expensive.
With one or more such ideas, Japan’s new government could wind up helping us even more than did the LDP that it will soon replace.
Michael O’Hanlon, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, is one of four defense experts who contribute monthly columns to The Washington Examiner. He is the author of “The Science of War.”
