The Urban-Rural Split is a Tale as Old as Time

Urban-rural splits have become the great global divider,” the Financial Times’ Gideon Rachman writes in an interesting column Tuesday. Rachman notes that’s an old story in countries like the United States and Britain, where everyone knows that that rural conservatives do battle with urban liberals at the ballot box. (Take a look at this map, published by the New York Times last week, which lays out the split in graphic detail. You can even see the divide in small cities.)

Rachman notes, however, that “Less often noticed is that the same divide increasingly defines politics outside the west—spanning places with very different cultures and levels of development, such as Turkey, Thailand, Brazil, Egypt, and Israel.”

Istanbul’s hipster liberals loathe pious Erdogan, who is beloved in the countryside. Secular Tel Aviv has a left-wing mayor, far out of step with Israel’s national politics. Rachman might have added Russia, too: Vladimir Putin is much less popular in Moscow and St. Petersburg than he is in the vast countryside. (One odd exception— as usual—is Japan. Tokyo, the world’s largest city, elected the virulently nationalist Shintaro Isihara as its governor four times between 1999 and 2012.) The divide is usually cast as one between decadent urban elites, and pious, socially conservative rural dwellers.

Where Rachman errs is by suggesting that this is somehow a new phenomenon: that urban-rural splits are “now” defining our politics, as if in contrast to the past. In truth, the urban-rural split is literally an ancient one.

Tacitus, the great historian of Rome under emperors Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, recounts in his Annals a typically grotesque display from Nero, and the encouragement he received from his urban audience:

In the Senate, as they were now on the eve of the quinquennial contest, wishing to avert scandal, offered the emperor the “victory in song,” and added the “crown of eloquence,” that thus a veil might be thrown over a shameful exposure on the stage. Nero, however, repeatedly declared that he wanted neither favour nor the Senate’s influence, as he was a match for his rivals, and was certain, in the conscientious opinion of the judges, to win the honour by merit. First, he recited a poem on the stage; then, at the importunate request of the rabble that he would make public property of all his accomplishments (these were their words), he entered the theatre, and conformed to all the laws of harp-playing, not sitting down when tired, nor wiping off the perspiration with anything but the garment he wore, or letting himself be seen to spit or clear his nostrils. Last of all, on bended knee he saluted the assembly with a motion of the hand, and awaited the verdict of the judges with pretended anxiety. And then the city-populace, who were wont to encourage every gesture even of actors, made the place ring with measured strains of elaborate applause. One would have thought they were rejoicing, and perhaps they did rejoice, in their indifference to the public disgrace.


But then, the historian notes:

All, however, who were present from remote towns, and still retained the Italy of strict morals and primitive ways; all too who had come on embassies or on private business from distant provinces, where they had been unused to such wantonness, were unable to endure the spectacle or sustain the degrading fatigue, which wearied their unpractised hands, while they disturbed those who knew their part, and were often struck by soldiers, stationed in the seats, to see that not a moment of time passed with less vigorous applause or in the silence of indifference.


In other words, “Red State Romans” could not abide Nero’s decadent ways.

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