Just Another Reminder: Appeasement Never Works

There’s a worse way to deal with members of a restive voting bloc than fight them. It’s called appeasement. And yes, that’s the one that Republicans chose to boost Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh.

It didn’t work. Of course it didn’t work. It’s never worked, at least when used by Republicans in a crucial situation. So it was no surprise it failed when Christine Blasey Ford, who claims Kavanaugh assaulted her in 1982, testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Since they’re afraid of losing the women’s vote in a landslide, Republicans were terrified of Ford. In situations like this, they often adopt the liberal script and assume any unkindness to a woman will have disastrous electoral consequences.

To avoid having 11 GOP men question Ford, they imported Rachel Mitchell, a sex crimes prosecutor from Arizona, to ask the questions. She did so gently. By the time she finished, the odds on Kavanaugh’s confirmation had dropped significantly.

Mitchell stood in for all 11 Republicans on the committee, some of whom are tough and effective interrogators. I’m referring to Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and John Kennedy (R-La.), who had to sit silently while 10 Democrats lauded Ford as if she were a new Joan of Arc. Senator Cory Booker (D-N.J.) called her a “hero” for coming forward to accuse Kavanaugh. Her testimony was warm and appealing.

Republicans recognized what they’d done wrong. While they’re given to weak speeches on controversial issues, Republicans know when they’re dying, Kavanaugh and Graham especially. A text of the nominee’s opening statement that had been released the day before was thrown away, and he delivered a fiery indictment of Democrats for turning the hearings into a sham. The Senate’s right to “advice and consent” had become “search and destroy,” he said.

Kavanaugh was nervous and emotional. But his opening statement was as powerful as his comments in a Fox News interview three days earlier had been wimpy. And he took no guff from Democratic senators. When they demanded yes or no answers, he kept talking.

Before Kavanaugh spoke, there was some doubt among Republicans about his ability to turn the tide. In four days of hearings, he had been impressive in providing detailed answers. But he turned up the intensity when his reputation was on trial and his nomination in doubt. Democrats weren’t ready for it. They were still focusing on micro-issues like his high school yearbook.

Graham delivered a full-throated condemnation of Democrats and had a strong message for Republican senators who might be wavering. “To my Republican colleagues: If you vote no, you are legitimizing the most despicable thing I have seen in my time in politics,” he said.

Two good things may come of this experience for Republicans. By itself, it would be important to win confirmation of Kavanaugh. And if he pulls it off, Republicans would get a huge boost going into the midterm election. It would be a reversal of GOP fortunes.

Kavanaugh’s rebound thrilled Trump. And why not? He’d said he’d consider a new nominee if this one continued to falter. Now he may not have to. Two justices in two years would be a remarkable achievement for a president who gets little respect in Washington and from Democrats and the media. And if it happens now, it will be because Kavanaugh fought back.

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