The race to replace Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) is shaping up as an ideological battle over the future of San Francisco — and a test of whether the city’s Democratic electorate is still looking for a distinctly progressive voice in Congress or has begun moving toward a more pragmatic center.
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California state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, both Democrats, are vying for what is the first truly competitive race in nearly four decades to represent the compact district, covering much of the San Francisco peninsula. The 11th Congressional District territory has long been a central hub of American liberalism, in and around iconic neighborhoods such as Castro, Haight-Ashbury, Chinatown, and the Mission District. And an area in the national spotlight during Pelosi’s two decades-plus in Democratic leadership, including being House speaker from 2007 to 2011 and again from 2019 to 2023.
Wiener, 56, has built his campaign around a legislative record on housing, climate change, LGBT rights, and public safety. He is generally viewed as the more moderate, pro-housing Democrat in the contest. Chan, 47, has stronger ties to the city’s progressive establishment. She’s emerged with the backing of Sen. Adam Schiff (D-CA) and Pelosi, who has represented San Francisco since 1987 and made her support unusually visible by campaigning with Chan and appearing at an event wearing a “CONNIE” T-shirt.
The pair is set to debate on Oct. 1, a bit over a month out from the Nov. 3 midterm elections.
A changing San Francisco
The contest comes at a defining moment for San Francisco.
The city remains overwhelmingly Democratic. In 2024, Democratic nominee Kamala Harris, a local-girl-made-good of sorts after rising from San Francisco district attorney to vice president, beat President Donald Trump in the 11th Congressional District 82% to 14%. The city and district are so blue that a pair of Democrats emerged from the June 2 all-party primary, with Wiener nabbing 40.7% to Chan’s 29.7%.

But San Francisco voters recently have shown increasing frustration with some of the policies associated with its progressive wing. The 2022 recall of progressive District Attorney Chesa Boudin, amid concerns over crime, homelessness, and drug addiction, served as a major warning sign for the Left.
The city’s Democratic Mayor Daniel Lurie has embraced a more centrist approach to homelessness, addiction, downtown revitalization, and public safety, helping build a political operation that backs more moderate policies.
At the heart of the Pelosi succession fight is a deeper question: Is San Francisco changing, and if so, what does that mean for the kind of Democrat it wants representing the city in Washington?
Wiener has the opportunity to argue that he represents that evolution without abandoning San Francisco’s liberal identity. Chan can make the case that the city’s progressive values remain intact and that Pelosi’s endorsement signals continuity with the political legacy of one of the most consequential Democrats in modern American history.
The stakes are also personal and institutional. Pelosi did not initially endorse Wiener, despite his long record in San Francisco politics, and instead backed Chan just days before the June 2 primary election. Her campaign involvement has been substantial, including fundraising and appearances with Chan. Now one of Pelosi’s top aides, communications director Ian Krager, is taking a leave of absence to join Chan’s campaign, another indication of how much of Pelosi’s political operation is lining up behind her chosen successor.

Yet the race is about more than Pelosi’s blessing. It shows a wider debate that has changed San Francisco politics over the past several years, as concerns about affordability, public safety, and the city’s post-pandemic revival have competed with the progressive agenda that dominated local politics for much of the last decade.
Despite their ideological differences, political experts interviewed by the Washington Examiner largely agreed on one point: the race is not about whether San Francisco stays a liberal city. Instead, they say, it is about whether Democratic voters now place a higher premium on governing effectiveness than ideological identity.
“This race asks whether San Francisco wants a Democrat focused primarily on progressive ideology or one focused on delivering results,” political strategist James Christopher said. “It’s a debate over progressive versus pragmatic politics.”
Democratic strategist Nick Smith, who previously worked in Bay Area politics, called the contest “a race over whether San Francisco Democrats want to continue the political era Nancy Pelosi helped define or embrace a different governing approach.”
Two visions of Democratic politics
Wiener, who grew up in New Jersey and moved to San Francisco in 1997 after graduating from Harvard Law School, cuts a familiar swath as a veteran of local and state politics, and with a 6-foot-7 frame that makes him a standout in most crowds. Wiener has sought to position himself as a congressional candidate focused on practical public policy solutions without abandoning progressive ideology. It’s an approach Wiener took during his nearly six-year tenure on the San Fransico Board of Supervisors, where he earned a reputation as a relatively business-friendly local lawmaker amid hardcore left-wingers.
Wiener was elected to the state Senate in 2016. Throughout his time in Sacramento, he has championed aggressive housing construction, arguing that the city’s housing shortage has fueled both its affordability crisis and homelessness. He has also pushed measures designed to expand public transit, address climate change, and strengthen protections for LGBT residents, while taking more centrist positions on policing and public safety.
Wiener’s campaign did not respond to a set of questions repeatedly sent by the Washington Examiner.
Analysts say Wiener is not asking voters to abandon progressive politics, but to judge government by its performance.
“Wiener isn’t trying to turn San Francisco into Orange County,” California Republican strategist Matt Klink said. “His message is that voters can remain progressive without accepting dysfunctional government.”
Chan has countered that San Francisco’s affordability problems cannot be solved through market-rate housing alone. She has built her political brand around tenant protections, labor issues, neighborhood preservation, and the expansion of affordable housing. Her campaign has emphasized protecting working-class residents from displacement while resisting what progressives describe as an increasingly corporate approach to city government.
Chan’s biography may also resonate with voters in San Francisco, where the Chinese-American community accounts for 21% of the city’s population.
Chan was born Chan Sze-man in British Hong Kong, and her family moved to Taiwan when she was five years old. Her family emigrated to the United States when Chan was 13, settling in San Francisco’s Chinatown. She graduated from the University of California, Davis, and was an aide to several local politicians in San Francisco before winning a seat on the Board of Supervisors in 2020. Known as a progressive voice on that often-fractious body, Chan is now looking to take her approach national in the rare opening for the congressional seat.
“Connie Chan has spent her career fighting for working families and taking on a rigged system that puts the interests of billionaires and big corporations ahead of the people,” campaign spokeswoman Julie Edwards said in a statement to the Washington Examiner.
“As an immigrant, a working mom, and a dedicated public servant, she has earned the trust of a broad coalition by showing up, listening to San Franciscans, standing up to Donald Trump’s destructive agenda, and delivering for working people,” Edwards said. “That’s the fight she’s led in San Francisco — and it’s the fight she’ll bring to Washington.”
Some political analysts have warned against overstating an ideological divide between Wiener and Chan. Their views largely align with each other and mainstream Democratic opinion.
“I reject the idea that this is fundamentally an ideological race,” said Mike Todaro, co-chairman of the California Forward Party, the state chapter of the national Forward Party, a centrist third-party movement. “Wiener and Chan agree on most major social issues.” Instead, Todaro argues, the contest is primarily about competing approaches to housing policy and how government should finance progressive priorities.
Yet, the divide mirrors a larger debate within the Democratic Party between elected officials who prioritize accelerating housing construction, versus progressives who say stronger tenant protections and affordability requirements must come first.
While both candidates occupy the left side of the national political spectrum, their records illustrate two distinct governing philosophies that have frequently clashed in San Francisco Democratic politics.
Pelosi’s endorsement has merely heightened those contrasts. Her decision to campaign publicly for Chan surprised some observers, given Wiener’s years of legislative experience and prominence in California Democratic politics. The endorsement also signaled that Pelosi views Chan as the candidate best positioned to continue her political legacy in a district she represented since winning a June 1987 special election.
Christopher argued the race matters not only because of who succeeds Pelosi, but as a sign of what vision of the Democratic Party that person represents.
Whether Pelosi’s endorsement ultimately proves decisive remains an open question.
What San Francisco voters want
San Francisco elections in recent years have produced mixed signals. Voters recalled Boudin, rejected several progressive school board members, and elected Lurie on promises to improve basic city services and restore confidence in local government. At the same time, they continue overwhelmingly to elect Democrats and remain supportive of progressive priorities on issues such as abortion rights, climate policy, and LGBT protections.
Smith argued that the race is ultimately less a referendum on progressive ideology than on whether city government has produced results. He said many voters still embrace progressive values but have grown skeptical that City Hall has delivered on housing, homelessness, public safety, and other quality-of-life concerns.
For Wiener, the path to victory likely depends on persuading voters that San Francisco can remain deeply liberal while pursuing a more results-oriented style of governance. For Chan, success depends on convincing voters that the city’s challenges do not require abandoning the progressive politics that have long identified it.
Political operatives say the implications could extend well beyond San Francisco.
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A Wiener victory, Smith said, would suggest Democratic voters are rewarding governing effectiveness over continuity. Klink argued it would show that San Francisco liberals still embrace progressive values but increasingly expect measurable results from government.
A Chan victory, by contrast, would suggest the city’s progressive coalition remains durable despite years of debate over crime, homelessness, and affordability while strengthening Pelosi’s influence over the city’s Democratic electorate. It would also indicate that voter frustration with quality-of-life issues has not fundamentally reshaped San Francisco’s political identity.
Barnini Chakraborty (@Barnini) is a senior political reporter at the Washington Examiner.
