President Biden has put a heavy rhetorical emphasis on the concept of unity. The idea of working with Republicans and being president of all people is something that he had been campaigning on for months. He then specifically emphasized unity in his inaugural address and outright declared that “unity” was the theme of the day after he was sworn in.
The problem is that “unity” is such a vague term that it can mean different things to different people. Republicans would take it to mean that he’d recognize the mixed verdict of the election, which brought a 50-50 Senate and an almost evenly divided House, and compromise with Republicans on legislation. That would require Biden to stiff-arm his far-left flank.
To liberals, however, who are encouraging Biden to pursue any means necessary to enact their agenda, “unity” has nothing to do with compromise. Rather, it just means that Biden will be less publicly abrasive than his predecessor.
Biden will face an early test of which definition of “unity” he subscribes to this week, with the COVID-19 relief bill.
The president has proposed a mammoth $1.9 trillion relief bill at a time when the United States is facing its largest debt relative to the size of the economy since World War II. It includes not only another round of checks, with $1,400 a person, but many other liberal wish list items as well, including state bailouts, paid leave, and a $15 minimum wage.
Given the size of the legislation and all the irrelevant but radical policy accessories, it has found no takers, even among more centrist Republicans.
A group of 10 Republicans, which is enough to provide Democrats with a filibuster-proof majority, have proposed a smaller but still robust $618 billion package that is more targeted toward the COVID-19 response. The bill would provide another $1,000 per person, with a more aggressive phaseout based on income level. That comes on top of the $600 relief checks passed just a few weeks ago, which was already coming on top of the $1,200 checks sent out last year. The bill would also extend enhanced unemployment and provide more money for testing and vaccination.
Biden has agreed to meet with the 10 senators, but it remains to be seen whether he will compromise with them or attempt to ram something through Congress on a purely partisan basis. Such a move would require him to blow up the Senate — either to nuke the filibuster or to use a clunky parliamentary maneuver known as reconciliation.
The problem for Democrats is that two of their own, Sens. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema, have said they oppose ending the filibuster. Reconciliation, which must follow strict rules and can only affect spending and taxation, presents a unique set of problems. Some elements of Biden’s plan, such as the $15 minimum wage, are not tailored to the budget requirement and, therefore, are unlikely to pass muster as part of a reconciliation bill.
The Senate parliamentarian offers judgments on what is in and out of bounds, and historically, the majority defers to him. However, the majority can overrule or even fire and replace the parliamentarian. Such a move is a nuclear option all of its own — and one reason then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell resisted the temptation to take that step during the Republicans’ push to repeal Obamacare and pass the 2017 tax cut. The awkwardness of reconciliation doomed repeal efforts because Republicans failed to find a separate path to dismantle Obamacare’s regulatory infrastructure, and this made it harder to cut a deal that their own caucus would accept. This is also why the tax cut had certain quirky design features, such as its reduction of the penalty for going uninsured to $0 rather than outright repealing the underlying individual mandate.
For now, Manchin is still talking in terms of compromise and seems unlikely to go along with a strategy that involves blowing up the Senate. Vice President Kamala Harris, showing the political touch that defined her presidential campaign, gave an interview in West Virginia as a not-too-subtle attempt to pressure Manchin in his home state. It backfired, visibly angering Manchin.
Biden has said, “I support passing COVID relief with support from Republicans if we can get it, but the COVID relief has to pass — no ifs, ands, or buts.”
It’s one thing for Biden to find it convenient if Republicans simply embrace his plan so he can claim bipartisan support, but the true test will come if he actually gives way on some of his liberal priorities and offers some real compromises to follow through on his promise of unity.
