Emails obtained illegally from the inbox of John Podesta, Hillary Clinton's campaign chair, and published in 19 batches since Oct. 7 have offered an unvarnished and unprecedented look inside the Democratic nominee's presidential campaign.
The 33,042 emails released as of Wednesday morning contained candid conversations about policy, personnel and the contentious primary race against Sen. Bernie Sanders, among many other revelations.
Here are some of the most noteworthy findings to date.
Longtime Clinton aide Philippe Reines admitted in March 2015 that "there is no good answer" to questions about Clinton's email server. His message came just days after the New York Times exposed her private email use for the first time.
Neera Tanden, current co-chair of Clinton's campaign, wondered why Clinton's team did not disclose their use of the private email server long before the campaign so as to avoid such a massive distraction. She then answered her own question: "I guess...they wanted to get away with it," she said.
In a conversation with campaign manager Robby Mook, Podesta expressed his desire to have Clinton's "self-research" team prepare "how to approach health" in anticipation of attacks on her physical well-being.
After Josh Schwerin, a campaign spokesman, informed other high-level campaign aides that President Obama had told reporters he only learned of Clinton's private email use through news reports, Cheryl Mills, a longtime Clinton confidante, sounded the alarm over the existence of evidence that could prove Obama's statements false.
Podesta compared Clinton's attempt to apologize for her private email use to eating spinach given her resistance to the idea of expressing remorse.
In January, Clinton's campaign struggled on how to pull out of a Clinton Global Initiative event in Morocco amid controversy over the charity's longstanding acceptance of foreign contributions. The king of Morocco had promised a $12 million donation that was contingent on Clinton's pledged appearance at the event. She ultimately did not attend the meeting.
Chelsea Clinton worried that the Clinton Foundation could lose its tax-exempt status as conflicts of interest continued to plague the charity through what she described as its "muddled" structure.
Clinton's campaign team seemed blindsided by the immediate backlash over her email use. Shortly after the New York Times first reported the story in March of last year, Podesta wrote to campaign manager Robby Mook to inquire whether he had known how serious the story would be before it broke.
Doug Band, a longtime Clinton family aide, listed the conflicts of interest that have plagued executives at the Clinton Foundation when defending his own potential conflicts in Nov. 2011.
In February, a Democratic pollster said Clinton was "taking the biggest hit" from Sanders' criticisms of money in politics. The pollster, Stan Greenberg, said he planned to test campaign messages that included an admission by Clinton that she was "part of the system" against which Sanders was railing.
Cheryl Mills, presently a board member at the Clinton Foundation, suggested coordinating with the State Department in Feb. 2015 on how to handle inquiries about a previously undisclosed foreign donation the foundation had received to perform Haiti relief efforts.
Podesta expressed concerns to Mills in Feb. 2014 that a Wall Street Journal reporter, Peter Nichols, had gathered "a lot" of information for a story about Clinton's preparations to run for president the following year. One of the things Nichols had learned in the course of his "Woodward and Bernstein style" reporting was that Mills did not want Clinton to launch a campaign.
Neera Tanden, president of the liberal Center for American Progress, remarked that Clinton's "instincts" are "suboptimal" after she seemingly prevented Podesta from sending a tweet in January.
The tweet was likely a rebuke of David Brock sent by Podesta a day earlier, in which the Clinton campaign chair needled Brock for calling on Sanders to release his medical records. Tanden also raised the possibility that Clinton's husband had instructed Brock to attack Sanders' health.
Podesta expressed confidence in Sept. 2015 that Vice President Joe Biden would enter the presidential race. At the time, Clinton's primary campaign was stumbling over the newly-opened FBI investigation into her emails, scrutiny over an upcoming Benghazi hearing and the rising popularity of Sanders.
The spectre of a late challenge from Biden amid such turmoil for Clinton magnified her slip in the polls, which continued until she emerged victorious from the Benghazi hearing in October.
Just one day after Syed Farook and his wife Tashfeen Malik claimed 14 lives in the San Bernardino terror attack, Podesta joked that he wished Farook's name was "Christopher Hayes," likely referring to the MSNBC anchor.
Clinton strongly objected to campaign manager Robby Mook's push for her husband to cancel a planned paid speech to Morgan Stanley just a few days after the official launch of her campaign. Mook feared the negative optics of the speech could "plague us in stories for months."
Clinton staked her support for repealing the Cadillac Tax, a provision of the Affordable Care Act that President Obama has delayed, on the "politics" of the issue. Jake Sullivan, one of her top advisers, suggested ways to spin that position in order to achieve a "Bernie contrast."
A conversation between Clinton allies last year, which took place amid rumors that the former New York City mayor was weighing a presidential bid, indicated Michael Bloomberg is interested in serving as secretary of state in a Hillary Clinton administration.
Months before the FBI opened a criminal investigation into Clinton's private emails, Huma Abedin, vice chair of the Clinton campaign, touted her "cordial relationship" with the attorney general who ultimately closed the case without recommending an indictment.
Tanden confided in Podesta in Aug. 2015 that Clinton's inability to express remorse for her use of a private email server was likely fueling controversy.
Podesta replied by admitting that he had arrived "in the same place" and said he was searching for a way to convey to Clinton the need to apologize.
Donna Brazile, acting chair of the Democratic National Committee, tipped off the Clinton campaign to an education-themed "Twitterstorm" that Sanders' African-American outreach team planned to launch.
Brazile was then vice chair at the DNC. She took over the top job in an interim capacity after her predecessor, Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, was ousted by her underhanded support of Clinton over Sanders during the primary.
Robby Mook, Clinton's campaign manager, suggested rolling out her opposition to the Keystone Pipeline — a project she supported as secretary of state — in the hopes that her flip-flop would "distract" from the email controversy.
Shortly after the New York Times exposed Clinton's use of a private server to conduct government business at the State Department, Podesta told Cheryl Mills, a longtime Clinton confidante, that he wanted the political "fight to be about Benghazi, not about servers in her basement."
Podesta suggested naming Tom Steyer, a billionaire environmental activist and Democratic donor, to a top post at the EPA or Department of Energy early in the Obama administration.
Doug Band, a former Clinton Foundation staffer who went on to co-found a consulting firm called Teneo Strategies, complained of tensions with Chelsea Clinton after the former first daughter threatened to alert her father to rumors that Teneo employees were using his name to woo clients.
When Clinton was pressed during the second presidential debate on her comment that politicians should have "both a public and a private position," she said she had been describing the plot of a Steven Spielberg movie.
However, according to the transcript included in a Jan. 2015 email to high-level campaign aides, Clinton specifically mentioned that she was making a "comment about today."
Although Clinton has during her campaign opposed major trade deals that have the potential to harm American workers, she expressed support for "open trade and open borders" during a paid speech to an Italian bank in 2013.