Sen. John McCain?s visit to Baghdad last week brought him support from American military leaders there for his argument that more U.S. troops, not less, are required to deal with the dilemma in Iraq.
And, perhaps unwittingly, their view as reported by McCain also plays into his strategy to win the 2008 Republican presidential nomination.
McCain told reporters that Gen. George W. Casey Jr., the top American commander, and other generals had informed him and other Senate colleagues that they were considering asking for up to 35,000 more forces or “five to 10 additional brigades,” to join the 15 brigades already in Iraq. A brigade usually consists of 3,500 troops.
Such a step would be in keeping withthe Arizona senator?s call for a substantial buildup to achieve the victory in Iraq that is President Bush?s stated goal ? and a centerpiece of McCain?s prospective bid for the GOP nomination in 2008.
His support for more U.S. forces has been regarded by many as politically risky if not foolish, in light of the chaotic conditions on the ground. The bipartisan Iraq Study Group and other military leaders, including Gen. John Abizaid, the overall U.S. commander for Iraq and Afghanistan, have said that substantially more American troops is not the answer.
But in taking his position, McCain achieves two basic political advantages that can help him in his pursuit of the Republican nomination two years hence.
First, he demonstrates support for the president of his party when many other Republicans are falling away. If such a buildup leads to success, McCain will be the political beneficiary. Second, if there is no such buildup and the American effort in Iraq falls short or collapses, McCain can say victory was denied because his recommendation was ignored.
The senator has already acknowledged that it would be immoral to continue spending American lives and treasure in a strategy that lacked the wherewithal to succeed. He said in Baghdad that the significant troop buildup should stay in Iraq “until we can get the situation under control, or until it becomes clear that we can?t.”
The latter comment gives McCain an exit strategy of his own should significantly more American forces fail to achieve the security required for the elected Iraqi government to survive and then defend itself ? Bush?s stated goal.
In holding the line for achieving victory in Iraq, McCain in Baghdad cited polling numbers showing little support for his call for more troops. He said he realized that the position could jeopardize his chances for his party?s presidential nomination. But his many years in the military convinced him, he said, that he could take no other course.
That military experience doubtless contributed greatly to his political success after his release as a prisoner in the Vietnam war, in which he was a decorated combat Navy pilot shot down over Hanoi and held captive for nearly five years.
McCain?s commitment to a greater military effort in Iraq at least has the virtue of demonstrating party loyalty, which has been central to his political activity in the run-up to the 2008 campaign.
As a presidential candidate in 2000, his reputation as a maverick hurt him.
After defeating Bush in the New Hampshire primary in which Democrats and independents could vote, he lost to him in a string of primaries in which only Republicans could cast ballots, and then the nomination.
Haunting McCain then and since has been the view that while he would be a strong general election candidate, he could not win the Republican nomination. And his conspicuous efforts to court the conservative base of his own party that was so cool to him in 2000 has drawn criticism from Democrats and independents.
But in calling for substantially more U.S. troops to Iraq, McCain can resurrect the reputation that led to his 2000 campaign bus being called “the Straight Talk Express.” That can be the one political plus for him in an otherwise unpopular stand. He is taking a clear position on the burning issue of the time while other Republican presidential hopefuls straddle the fence.
Jules Witcover, a Baltimore Examiner columnist, is syndicated by Tribune Media Services. He has covered national affairs from Washington for more than 50 years and is the author of 11 books, and co-author of five others, on American politics and history.
