GRAHAM PLATNER QUESTIONED ARMENIAN GENOCIDE IN NOW-DELETED REDDIT COMMENTS: REPORT

Rubio emphasized that the agreement marks “the biggest step taken to date toward making this historic route a reality, advancing peace, and increasing prosperity in Armenia and throughout the region.” Mirzoyan added, “We have elevated our strategic partnership to a new level by renaming it a comprehensive strategic partnership.”

Rubio and Mirzoyan also signed a framework agreement on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) project — a 43-kilometer transit corridor that would link Azerbaijan’s Nakhchivan exclave to Turkey via southern Armenia, bypassing Russia and Iran.

Under yet another memorandum of understanding, a U.S.-backed TRIPP Development Company (with a 74% U.S. stake) would oversee rail, road, energy, and digital infrastructure for 49 years, with Armenia retaining sovereignty. The two nations also agreed on a framework for securing supply in mining and processing of critical and rare-earth minerals.

But not everyone is happy about Armenia moving closer to the U.S. and the European Union. Russia in particular (as well as the now-weakened Iranian regime) has threatened economic retaliation over Armenia’s pro-Western shift. Moscow has already imposed import restrictions on a number of Armenian products.

As Pashinyan moves his nation closer to the West (and further from Moscow and Tehran), the June 7 Armenian parliamentary elections loom large on the horizon as a test of his leadership.

Perhaps the most curious evidence of foreign interference comes from video footage that shows former International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo and his son Tomás discussing pressure campaigns aimed at removing Pashinyan from office – and thereby disrupting the growing U.S.-Armenia relationship.

Ocampo, an Argentine lawyer who served as the ICC’s founding chief prosecutor from 2003 to 2012, is a prominent name in international justice circles and has appeared on high-level legal and governance platforms, including in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

In one recorded conversation, Ocampo claims to be running an AI-powered influence and advocacy campaign in the Caucasus region. In another, Tomás is heard admitting that Armenian pressure groups had briefed them with an instruction: “What we need to achieve is to remove Pashinyan, the Prime Minister.”

Only days before signing major agreements with the United States, Armenia hosted a landmark EU summit in Yerevan, with Brussels promising deeper economic and security cooperation. The EU has also been sending experts to help Armenia counter Russian propaganda, cyber-attacks, and election interference.

Moscow had already sounded the alarm. Russia’s foreign ministry has accused Armenia of being dragged into the EU’s “anti-Russian orbit” and warned of “negative political and economic consequences” if Yerevan continues its nation’s westward path.

Back on May 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin issued what amounted to a barely veiled threat.

Speaking at a press conference in Moscow, Putin drew a direct parallel between Armenia’s European ambitions and the chain of events that preceded Russia’s war against Ukraine. “We are now living through everything that is happening on the Ukrainian track,” he said. “And where did it begin? With Ukraine joining or attempting to join the EU.”

For the Gulf, the issue is not merely an Armenian domestic dispute. The South Caucasus has become a strategic corridor contest linking Europe, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Central Asia, and energy markets, with Iran and Russia both wary of Western-backed routes that could weaken their influence.

The TRIPP project, which could give the U.S. exclusive development rights to the 43-km corridor, is the major bone of contention for both Russia and Iran.

Iran has threatened to block the project. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top adviser to Iran’s supreme leader, warned that the corridor would become a “graveyard” for Trump’s “mercenaries,” while Russia said Western powers should avoid imposing solutions in the region and instead leave the process to regional players, including Russia, Iran, and Turkey. 

That makes Ocampo’s “remove Pashinyan” remarks politically explosive.

Carnegie Endowment analyst Mikayel Zolyan wrote that Pashinyan’s main rivals come from Armenia’s pro-Russia opposition. A June victory for those forces would mean Yerevan turning toward Moscow and halting the peace process with Azerbaijan and Turkey. 

Ocampo has a history of interference in international affairs. His Middle East record also includes a controversial Libya consultancy that raised questions about the role of former international prosecutors in private conflict work.

EVERY US ALLY IS UNDER ATTACK — FROM THE VERY INSTITUTIONS AMERICAN TAXPAYERS FUND

In 2017, Mediapart and European Investigative Collaborations reported that a contract was drawn up in Abu Dhabi in April 2015 between El Hurra and Ocampo’s company Transparent Markets SA. The report said the promised fees were $1 million a year for three years, and that Ocampo confirmed receiving $750,000 before the contract ended.

As June 7 approaches, there are signs that the Armenian electorate is not being swayed by Russian and Iranian threats. A new American Election Study report of projected voter behavior suggests that Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party is dominating the electoral field (though not as a single-party government). Pashinyan had a 47.8% approval rate against only 35.8% disapproval.

Duggan Flanakin is a policy analyst at the Committee For A Constructive Tomorrow.