The central concern is the first and third. Entering office, one of Zelensky’s first priorities would have been to build a strong relationship with President Trump. Considering former Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko’s support for Hillary Clinton, Poroshenko’s endemic corruption, Trump’s frustration with foreign aid spending, and Trump’s affinity for Putin, Zelensky had good reason to fear declining American support. That’s something he couldn’t take a chance on.

After all, Russian intelligence and military personnel are still running wild in southeastern Ukraine. Zelensky needs Trump’s support to deter them. But more than that, Zelensky would have hoped he might earn even greater support from Trump. It’s a reasonable proposition: Until now, Trump has been more supportive of Ukraine than was President Barack Obama.

In turn, a television personality like Trump, Zelensky would have assumed that his White House visit could achieve two objectives. First, allowing him to forge a personal bond with Trump, something foreign governments well understand is of instrumental value with this president. Second, showing Russia that the U.S.-Ukrainian relationship remains alive and well. That friendship posture would also have served Zelensky’s interest in pushing back against Franco-German pressure to compromise with Russia. As Victoria Nuland aptly predicted back in 2014, Europeans are wavering on sanctions toward Moscow and, absent American consolidation, Ukraine will find itself outmaneuvered at upcoming peace talks.

Put simply, Zelensky needs Trump on his side and saw a White House visit as the best way to quickly achieve that objective.