What kind of Bush is Jeb?

Plenty of rank-and-file voters have the obvious ideological or issues-based objections to Jeb Bush: immigration and Common Core. But many others — and, when you scratch the surface, a lot of the Republicans who disagree with the former Florida governor on immigration and Common Core — think he should be disqualified based on his last name.

Anecdotally, this includes a fair number of Republicans who like Jeb and think he would be a good president. Either they are bothered by the dynastic implications of a Bush vs. Clinton race or think enough other voters would be bothered to make it harder for Republicans to win in 2016.

We don’t need anymore Bushes, they say.

Both Bush presidencies ended badly for the GOP. While George H.W. and George W. each boasted approval ratings in excess of 90 percent at their peak, they were succeeded by Democratic presidents and congressional majorities. Jon Meachem’s upcoming biography of the 41st president is a helpful reminder that each President Bush disappointed conservatives for different reasons.

Bush 41 won his war in Iraq, but broke his “no new taxes” pledge and worked with congressional Democrats to slap a tax increase on an economy heading into recession. He also signed bills adding regulations, strengthening affirmative action and increasing immigration levels that weren’t as controversial with voters at large but didn’t endear him to conservative activists.

Bush 43 won the second term that eluded his father but his war in Iraq went rather less well. He also cut taxes rather than raising them. Conservatives were the last group of voters to turn against him. No one challenged W. in the 2004 primaries. In his second term, however, mini-revolts over Harriet Miers, amnesty and the Dubai Ports World deal led to a reappraisal of his record on government spending and, to a much lesser extent, foreign policy.

The elder Bush was always publicly supportive of his son’s presidency, although there was speculation — and some vaguely sourced quotes from the old man that occasionally appeared in the media — that he wasn’t 100 percent on board with his son’s approach to international affairs. What we already know about the Meachem book appears to confirm this.

The two Bushes had different styles and some real policy differences, even though they are often lumped together by Republicans who don’t want a third President Bush. It raises the question: Which Bush is Jeb most like?

That’s not a question the ex-governor has been eager to answer, preferring to emphasize that he is his own man. But as his campaign has stalled, he has leaned on his father and brother more. Even when he looked formidable early on, he rolled out a foreign policy advisory team that included big names from both administrations, even when it was likely that some of them would give contradictory advice. James Baker’s inclusion on the list caused him problems with conservatives who preferred his brother’s foreign policy to his father’s.

Up to this point, Jeb has been punished for both previous Bushes’ sins. Conservatives distrust him as they did his father, with whom he shares a certain woodenness on the stump, and anticipate swing voters will associate him with his brother’s less popular policies.

Is it fair to hold Jeb Bush responsible for his father and brother’s views when he has a record of his own? Even with their shared adviser and donor networks, probably no more so than comparing Jeb to the Yankee Republicanism of his grandfather Prescott Bush.

But many Republican primary voters are taking their cues from George W. Bush: “Fool me — you can’t get fooled again.”