Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on Monday announced his country was sending drone experts and interceptors to help safeguard U.S. bases in Jordan, diverting vital resources from defending against Russia’s relentless aerial onslaught of Ukraine, to aid the United States.
Conversely, as noted by Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Russian President Vladimir Putin seeks to bolster Tehran to distract and drain the U.S., freeing his hand to continue the war against Ukraine.
The juxtaposition between Kyiv and Moscow could not be clearer.
UKRAINE SHOWS HOW TO DEFEAT IRANIAN DRONES
Too often, Ukraine is seen as a burden rather than a huge opportunity — not only to reshape the geopolitical map in ways that benefit U.S. interests, but also to strengthen American defense partnerships.
The Trump administration recognized this potential when it signed the U.S.-Ukraine agreement on critical minerals last year. Ukraine’s willingness to help defend against Iranian attack drones may be another reminder of how much the country has to offer.
The U.S. and its allies in the Middle East have been deploying costly Patriot interceptors to shoot down Iran’s Shahed drones. At just under $4 million per Patriot PAC-3 interceptor, not counting the system itself, using expensive air-defense missiles to knock out drones that cost $30,000 to $50,000 lets Tehran bleed us dry.
Ukraine, however, has developed interceptor drones that cost under $2,000 apiece and can take out Iranian and Russian-made drones, saving far more valuable air-defense interceptors for ballistic and cruise missiles.
It is not just the cost imbalance that worries defense planners. It is also the limited production capacity for churning out high-end air-defense systems.
If reports are correct that the U.S. and its regional allies fired more than 800 interceptors in just three days of war, that is more than all 620 PAC-3 interceptor missiles produced last year. By contrast, Ukraine produced 100,000 interceptor drones in 2025, and production is still ramping up.
With Iran capable of producing 10,000 one-way attack drones per month, Russia turning out more than 4,000 Iranian-designed Shaheds per month, and China’s production capacity far exceeding our own, partnering with Ukraine is clearly a big part of solving our drone conundrum.
Setting aside the moral and strategic case for supporting Ukraine, benefiting from the country’s defense innovation, especially in drones and counter-drone technology, is a terrific return on investment.
While the $131 billion the U.S. has allocated to support Ukraine since 2022 is significant, it’s only about 6.5% of what America spent over 20 years in Afghanistan — with far less to show for it — and less than the federal government wasted on improper payments in fiscal 2024.
Today, Europe is increasingly footing the bill. While U.S. aid to Ukraine dropped by 99% in 2025, European military aid rose by 67% last year, compared with the average from 2022 to 2024. Financial and humanitarian support from Europe increased by 59%.
European nations are now buying billions of dollars’ worth of American equipment to give to Ukraine. Russia continues to fail to achieve its objectives at enormous cost, while Ukraine once again proves the kind of ally it can be for the United States.
That makes it a remarkable bargain for American taxpayers.
While Ukraine is helping defend U.S. forces and allies in the Middle East, Russia, despite its denials, is assisting Iran and putting American servicemembers at risk.
RUSSIA IS AT WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES — WHETHER WE ADMIT IT OR NOT
Iran’s foreign minister confirmed Russia was helping “in many different directions.” Russia backing Tehran and Kyiv helping shore up regional defenses should clarify, once again, where American interests lie: in supporting Ukraine and deepening defense cooperation.
American support for Ukraine has already delivered a strong return on investment. Now is the time for Washington to reinvest that dividend in a partnership whose benefits will only compound over time.
Daniel Kochis is a Senior Fellow at Hudson Institute’s Center on Europe and Eurasia.
